Chapter One

HISTORICAL DISTORTION AND TRADITION OF ORIGIN OF OVRODE

Distortion

Since the early 1960’s references have always been made to the report of J.W. Hubbard of 1931, as it affects the tradition of the founding of Ovrode, a report that distorts the tradition of the origin of Ovrode.

That illusive and misleading history of 1931 that was deliberately made which has been so spread in recent years need to be corrected. This is to enable those people who took delight in deliberate formulation and spread of falsehood to call themselves to order and desist from further distortion. Calling themselves to order may make them to understand and know the real facts behind the history of the founding of Ovrode. It will also make them to be susceptible to reality and stand them high in their claim to the knowledge of oral traditional history of the area.

For a very long time, the temptation has been to ignore the fairy tales in the tradition of the founding of Ovrode as it was thought to be of little significance. With the passage of time, the false history is becoming too adverse to be ignored. It has therefore come to a time, that if the fairy tale is left uncorrected, generations coming may not know the real history of Ovrode and thus live with the false version forever

More importantly, the distortion of the history of how Ovrode was founded and took the name; Ovrode, is a development that has created the importance of what constitute valid and positive demand for the real tradition of how Ovrode town was founded and the name adopted.

The confusion in this issue, especially since Ovrode was, for political and administrative convenience, grouped into a block called Ellu Clan became too strong that it began to make the people to be more aware and more inquisitive of the cultural and political environment in which they found themselves.

The awareness has created in the people of Ovrode the desire to demand for the real history of Ovrode. It is a demand of right, it is a demand of honour, and most importantly, it is a valid and wide demand of knowledge, the knowledge that civilization the world over, has created into people of dynamic minds, the facts behind their history.

It is important to establish at this point in time, what constitutes valid and positive reasoning when fate and sovereignty of a people logically proceed the ambition of a group who want to oppress and suppress the developmental ambition of other group.

The response to that positive demand is intended to discourage the dogmatic attitude to antiquated reasoning system of those with the desire to oppress and suppress the developmental ambition of Ovrode. It is aimed also to establish historical reality so that generations, now and yet unborn will grow above invalid presentation of fallacies.

The propagation of false history of the tradition of how a place was founded or the origin of a place and to take a name is one of the surest routes to historical rascality and moral degeneration. It is sad that a group or some individuals have constituted themselves into a false information disseminator and generator of false history on the origin of Ovrode and how the name was taken.

It is unfortunate that the desire to revive and expand a kingdom has to lead to a high level of historical rascality, a self denial of facts and a self mind poisoning to the extent that, it was left loose and allowed to degenerate to an enslavement of an absolute desire.

Unfortunately, the true tradition of the foundation and the origin of Ovrode, which facts are abound to assist the indigenes to hold fast to their  existentialism,  has also polarized the leadership ambition  wanted to be put together by those who want to make them. The end result was a pull down of the integrity of those whose claimed knowledge has been made worthless only by themselves.

The facts behind the primary source of foundation of Ovrode as it was told and passed down through generations is given in this book. Any opinion  or views in the contrary stands to fail any debate or argument  with what is contained in this book. The facts behind the tradition of the foundation of Ovrode and the name of Ovrode as presented in this book has been so backed by elaborate facts.

Ovrode is presently in a political unit called ELLU CLAN, which has other two communities of Aradhe and Ellu in the Block. Therefore it may be said that in writing the history of Ovrode, references must always be made to Aradhe and Ellu. The three communities have been fraternizing together from time of old. The stories told relating to their existence revealed that they have been doing things in common. How that relationship was brought in, may be explained later in this book.

Before the second half of the twentieth century, the history of the three communities was still at the Oral Tradition. After that period, private documentations of the Oral Tradition began to emerge. Efforts made to put them on pamphlets mark the beginning of distortion in their history as revealed in this chapter.

It is a thing of joy that of late some people have been making efforts to put the stories straight on paper, that is, the correct stories that were told from father to son, to avoid further distortions by those hungry pamphlet writers. It is surprising that even now, some recent writings continue to uphold false history, especially on how Ovrode was founded.

It is unfortunate that the mutual living of the towns has been hijacked by some  group of people in Ellu to mean father-and-son  relationship and decided to falsely refer to Ovrode as “Son” of Ellu.

Writing under the column “Bendel cultural festival” in the Nigerian Observer of  Tuesday, 2^nd July 1985, Mr. Goodluck Edigri said in the caption “Etor-Ellu Festival” that “the two sons  of Ellu, Ovrode and Aradhe, though participated in the Etor-Ellu festival still have their feast,  the Egba of Ovrode and Ere (Eyere) of Aradhe”.

The response from Mr. S.I. Akporehe, published in the Nigerian Observer of Monday March 3^rd 1986 corrected the erroneous impression of   Mr. Goodluck Edigri. Mr. Goodluck Edigri  obviously does not know the traditional history of the founding of Ovrode.

What has been presented here is the true and real facts of how Ovrode was founded. All other versions are mere assumptions including those formulated with the sole objective of reducing the sovereignty of Ovrode for the purpose of enlarging a kingdom.   

The ambiguity in the relationship between Ovrode and Ellu was apparently ignored for too long. No serious effort has been made to find out how and why the founder of Ovrode left Uruode as claimed by the people of Ellu. Apart from this historical distortion of Ovrode leaving Uruode, a street in Ellu to found Ovrode, no any major version has emerged except the less important one by some group that the founders of Ovrode, Ellu and Aradhe left Akiowhe to found their various communities. This will be explained further in due course.

The two names, Uruode and Ovrode for sure have their last three letters in common viz, (Ode), but where is the similarity in their first three letter; (Uru-) and (Ovr -)? This is nothing but a mere linguistic and morphological coincidence. Other than that, there is no historical or semantic relationship between the root words. It is also pertinent to observe that the oral tradition of these group of people still mentioned and agreed, as all of us know it, that the man who founded Ovrode was OVIME. Up till this time of writing, from the time the claim was first made, no one has pointed to a family at Uruode where Ovime came from. As a matter of fact, proximity would have made a close and lasting relationship of Ovime including his descendants with his kinsmen of Uruode just as Osa family of Ellu and Ovrode claim to be. Ovime family at Evrheni still identify themselves with Ovime descendants of Ovrode up till today. No history of the mentioned versions has pointed out as to whether Ellu and Ovrode have ever had one Evo, the symbol of sovereignty known to all Isoko people. The consanguine relationship that may be found is limited to few families resulting from intermarriages. There has not been common symbol. There has not been any time or any history which has referred to Ovrode as Ovrode –Ellu, as it is in some towns or clans such as; Oghara-Iyede; Eboh-Iyede, Ekiugbo-Iyede, Ivrogbo-Emevor, Ada-Irri and some others.

Another less significant version was the one which said that Ovime and the founder(s) of Ellu and Aradhe left Akiowhe in Owhe clan and move eastwards. As they moved, looking for a possible place to settle, one stopped at the present location of Ellu, the other two, while Ovime moved further east to found Ovrode, the third moved to the location of Aradhe to found Aradhe. The story even included the founder of Emu-Uno as a fourth member of the team. No concrete evidence has proved that version to be the correct history. Uptill now the relationship between the three communities and Emu-Uno remains very vague. Also the language or dialectical difference voids this theory. But the extension of invitation for assistance during inter community conflict, might have given root to some notion of relationship. The crises between Emu-Ebendo community and Obodogwa in Ndokwa West Local Government Area, in which the communities of Erewo-Esa played some peaceful role in early 1990s is a recent case in point.

As true as that Akiowhe theory may seem, one may want to ask the level of the relationship they kept before they moved out of Akiowhe. If they were related in blood, then it was obvious that they lost the identity of their parental ties completely and very fast. Agreed that their doing things together pointed at some level of relationship, that may not be more than their Akiowhe relationship (which never involve blood) which they made stronger as they founded their various settlements. The Orise Owhe– the common god that covers the other communities of Owhe neither extended to any of these three communities nor adopted by any of them. For the same reason of failing to identify their blood ties right from Akiowhe also render that postulation of brotherhood irrelevant.

THE TRUE TRADITION OF THE FOUNDING OF OVRODE

The Amuofuke, Akpodome, Olokor, Ebase, Okegberu and many others were descendants of Ovime who founded Ovrode. Those fathers left behind the true and the real history of how Ovrode was founded. They got their information from the eyewitnesses of Ovime’s direct children (Oritse and Odogbo) which they passed down to this generation. Such authentic information which serves as the primary source highly validated this absolute history.

Ovime, it was said, left Benin with his mother Anote, younger brother Ebave and his younger sister called Oko. They got to Evrho (Effurun) and stayed there. It was not long when Ovime decided to make a further move towards the east. He was looking for a free, neutral and safe area where he could stay with his relations he left behind at Evrho. As he moved, he came across so many settlements like Effurun – Otor and Evrheni and decided to stay at Evrheni. It was at Evrheni where Ovime made his family. Before he left Evrheni as he continued to search for a suitable settlement, he had learnt the language of Evrheni. He moved again towards the east until he got to Akiowhe. This time his family stayed put at Evrheni.

Ovime stayed at Akiowhe briefly, during which time he made some friends. There at Akiowhe, enthusiastic Ovime, still full with the desire to found a place he would call his own and to escape from the violent reign of Chief Onerogha of Owhe, embarked on a further move still facing the east.

As Ovime moved, so also others of his friends moved but taking their different routes. In the process of their movement, providence later brought them to a place already settled by a strange settler. Ovime was prompted to move further by two major factors. One was his ambition to settle in a free and virgin land, a settlement he would proudly call his own and another was the brutal ambition of his friends who decided to take over the existing settlement by force.

Ovime left the team, and first passed the place where Ovrode is today situated. He moved further until he got to a big lake, the present lake Ebe which  he also discovered. As Ovime got to the lake, he saw that it was a big virgin lake whose surface water was almost covered with the dead leaves that fell from the trees on the bank of the lake. Ovime was always referring to the lake as the lake of the leaves (Awhan Ebe). Leaf in Isoko language means “Ebe”. Through the ages the lake became known and called “Lake Ebe”

Ovime looking for a drier land for settlement moved backward until he got to a location midway between the lake and those he left behind. He was satisfied that the place was a big vast dry land. He decided to stay there and made himself a hut. Oral tradition has it that as Ovime went to his friends to tell them that he has discovered a place he could call his own, he discovered that the brutal ambition of some of his friends he left behind was executed and the old settlement taken over by them. Oral tradition still has it that  another of their friends who also hated the brutal act, went further north-west to settle at the present place of Aradhe.

When providence brought the founders of the various settlements together initially, their almost lost friendship, which they made while at Akiowhe was renewed. After  they had founded and settled in their various places, their friendship  became not only close but very strong.

The above narrative has hitherto been very popular in the oral traditional history among the people of the area. This version has the support of oral tradition  from eyewitness account which make the version of eluelu-wa-re-lu to stand high above any invented version.

In C.O. Agatemor’s book “History and culture of Ellu”, while analyzing the various narratives on   how the name Ellu was taken or adopted, said  that the leader of the group who founded  Ellu  ordered his men to strike and take over the settlement that was already  there. As they were killing the people they met there, a curse of eluelu-wa-re-lu which  means “you should continue to do” was imposed on the attackers.

C.O. Agatemor, in narrating that version and perhaps with a view to alter the age long oral traditional history, believed and concluded that the “detractors” and the “enemies” of Ellu “suggested” that version of the name of Ellu being taken from the brutal act by the founders of Ellu.

In a frantic effort to change the already established oral traditional history of the people, C.O. Agatemor still refered to Obaro Ikime and said that “according to Obaro Ikime, in his book “The Isoko People” (1972), Ellu was  the eponym of the town”. He also refered to the version of Hubbard’s report of 1931 which said that “Ellu and his brothers left Akiewhe for a better place to settle”. He argued further and concluded that “In sum the Ikime/Hubbard version has less elements of doubt”.

The two versions refered to above (Hubbard/Obaro Ikime) did not only have too much elements of doubt but are completely out of tune with the  known oral traditional history. This is because, Ellu is not known to the people of Owhe and indeed Akiowhe as a name of any human who ever existed.

The versions of Obo Enuma and the version of those C.O. Agatemor refered to as enemies of Ellu  are balanced on the same source on how the name Ellu was taken. The two versions have it that the name was adopted as a result of the killing of the person or persons and the sacking of an  already existing settlement. It should be emphasized here that Hubbard and Obaro Ikime are completely foreigners to the area. Therefore they could not stand the chance  of knowing such important part of the history of the area, an oral tradition that has long been on before any of them were born and which is still on till today. C.O. Agatemor prefere to up hold the stories of Hubbard and Obaro Ikime because he intended to invent a new history from the versions of Hubbard and Obaro Ikime that may tend to obliterate the already known version. To him, the real oral version look derogatory in the 20^th  and this 21^st centuries. The mare-lu-no which means we can do,  was a show of prowls,  power and bravery which early founders were proudly identifying themselves with. Therefore such interplay of a brutal act and a life long imposition of a curse  which should have led to the taken of the name of Ellu can never be in doubt.

Before Ovime left Akiowhe, as said above, he has established good friendly relationship with many people. These were amongst those who founded Ellu and Aradhe. In the process after they have founded what they regarded as their various permanent places, they as nature demands decided to keep that relationship and do certain things in common. They also visited one another and exchanged ideas.

Friendly relationship among themselves started from the time of their various settlements. They related like “brothers”; and respected one another. Even though, that was the case, they were still conscious that they were not related in blood. Therefore things, that could involve two blood brothers were avoided. They never prepared one Ovo for themselves. They never had a common village god, they never had one common traditional festival and they never had one Odio-Ologbo.

To Ovime, the present location of Ovrode was a wide expanse of dry land. The new site won his admiration and satisfied his condition for a choice for settlement. As a good hunter  and fisherman, he examined the environment carefully and exclaimed in  his Evrheni ascent that “this is OVBORODE”. Ovime’s pronunciation which could be spelt as Ovorode (Ovologbo in Isoko language) is now shortened to Ovrode.

After founding Ovrode, he went back to Evrheni to bring some members of his family, his brother and sister who had traced him to Evrheni. Some of his children he left behind at Evrheni form the represent Ovime family at Evrheni.

Ovime (Ovwimwe as it is called in Bini language), means my child. Considering  Ovime’s movement of leaving Benin to Evrho (Uvwie) where he sojourned first, then to Evrheni where he stayed long, then to Akiowhe before founding  Ovrode (Ovorode), as the story goes, then he must have left Benin when he was relatively young.

The facts behind or as contained in the tradition of how Ovrode was founded and took her name, nullify the false story of Ovime leaving Uruode to found Ovrode. For one, Ovwimwe (Ovime) is a Benin word. If Ovime was a descendant of any family in Uruode as alleged, his parents would have long lost their Bini identity. He would not have been named Ovwimwe. Again as said above, no family in Uruode Street in Ellu has ever claimed that Ovime came from Uruode. Ovime named his quarter (street) Iye-Owhe, a name linked to Akiowhe-Owhe, his last place of sojourn before he settled in a place he called his own, which was his final abode.

TIME OF FOUNDATION

            All the towns of Isoko, and even Nigeria have unwritten tradition about their own origin. In particular, each town can tell the name of its founder and probably of members of his team or family who set up their homesteads. The usage of oral traditions, supported by historical, archaeological and other evidences about migration of men may not be well used to determine when a place was founded. Historical formulas such as the calculations of J.W. Hubbard may also be used. All those methods may mislead in dating the period of foundation. J.W. Hubbard in his calculation used the number of Ivie (plural of Ovie) that have  ruled in each clan (town) in the average number of years. Others used the average number of years of successive descendants of the founder of the town. The result from those calculations may not be necessarily correct. For example it could be argued that the founder of a homestead may not be the first Ovie or the first Odio-Ologbo of the town. This is because it is possible that at the time of foundation, such institution may not have been put in place. The institution of Ovie and gerontocracy may emerge much later when the settlement should have recorded some population. Even the length of time of the successive reign of such traditional rulers may not be equal. There could also be a period of possible interregnum and regency which may put a brake in the successive line of Ovie or Odio-Ologbo.

In using descendants, all things may not necessarily be equal in which case a man may have his first born at his old or very young age. He may even die very shortly after having his first born, a situation that may lead to the reduction of number of descendants at a particular point in time. There are so many variables that can alter or affect the calculation of the date of foundation of a settlement.

The time of the foundation of Ovrode is not free from the above problems. Unfortunately no source of information has pointed to when Ovrode was founded. Though, J.W. Hubbard said in his inquiry of 1931 that many clans in Isoko were founded between 1593 and 1713, (a dating that has been so seriously opposed by many clans in Isoko) and put the likely date Owhe was founded to be 1615 therefore, one may be tempted to say that Ovrode was founded at a later date.

The observed difficulties inherent in  determining  the date of foundation of a settlement has resulted to the incidence  or the emergence of claims and counter   claims of seniority  among communities, especially of large communities over smaller ones or the first to settle among communities. This happens mostly among communities sharing common boundaries. Claims and counter claims of seniority  among communities has also lead to some communities  putting their date of settlement to be  much earlier  to enable them claim seniority over others. Today, Ovrode has such nuts to crack with her neighbouring communities.

HISTORICAL DISTORTION

It has been pointed out that Ovorode (Ovrode) is not an Isoko word.  If Ovime left Uruode to found Ovrode, he would have named his new found land OVOLOGBO which is an Isoko word for a big dry    land. Ovime never lost his Evrheni ascent during his brief stay at Akiowhe. So, by the time he got to his desired spot and built a hut he named it Ovborode, using his Evrheni dialect, a dialet linguistically influenced by Urhobo lanaguage

Ovime founded Ovrode as is known and told by all the versions. His journey from Benin to the present site of Ovrode, has been the major topic for historical exercise until now that the facts are hereby made known.

The J.W. Hubbard version which came up in the early 1930s was based on the skewed  and belittling perspective of Ellu towards Ovrode. What may have led to that will be explained later.

By 1931 when J.W. Hubbard did his work, Odio Erimu was the oldest man in Ovrode. He was the Odio-Ologbo of Ovrode between 1931 to 1935. He was from Iye-Osa quarter. Even before Odio Erimu who was the Odio-Logbo of Ovrode as mentioned above, there were some Odio-Ologbo who ruled Ovrode before Odio Erimu. There was Odio Esiedi Ebo (1910 – 1919), Odio Edu (1920 – 1931), Odio Egbodi (1935 – 1937) and Odio Ikoro Odoh (1943 – 1950). With Odio Erimu was the Otota of the Edio Council, he was Erikevo from Osa quater. At that time also, Akpodome from Iye-Owhe was an Odio. Ebase and Okoro from Iye-Owhe were Ekpako. By that same time of 1931, Efe was the Oletu – Ologbo. He was from Iye-Owhe. Ataiku from Iye-Osa was the Otota for the Iletu. Amuofuke from Iye-Owhe was also an Oletu. None of these people who form the traditional ruling organ at that time ever claim to see J.W. Hubbard or any member of his team. The descendants of all the people mentioned above are still very vast with the tradition of the founding of Ovrode.

The formulation, the discemination and the  documentation of the false history on how  Ovrode was founded is now generating a serious discord.

Whether late C.O. Agatemor, in his book “History and culture of Ellu” (launched  in 2009) has done the people of Ellu proud in that regard, remain and will ever remain a debatable topic. But one wonders if the writing of late C.O. Agatemor or the collection he put together out   of more than one versions, on how Ellu was founded, intended to narrate the tradition of the founding of Ellu as a town or Ellu as a clan. If his intention was to write the history of Ellu as a town and as he presented it, then fine and perhaps good for the people of Ellu who may want to continue to search for a more acceptable version. If it was for Ellu as a clan, then it could be said that the desire to distort the fact was one of his major objective.

How Ovrode was founded as  contained in the said book “History and culture of Ellu” fall on the same line with the contributions as contained in a paper “the crisis   of confidence” a collection of papers meant for a public lecture put together by the public relation officer of Ellu Youth Organization in 1991.

Looking at the above two sources from a critical point of view, they may attract some pity, in that both accepted what they read and what they were told. While crisis of confidence relied on J.W. Hubbard, that of the history and culture of Ellu by C.O. Agatemor, in addition to taking to that of J.W. Hubbard, also relied on the history  told to  the  author by those he regarded as “authorities” when the history of Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode are always mentioned.

It is difficult to accept Late C.O. Agatemor’s description of Late Obo Enuma as an “authority” in oral traditional history of Ovrode. He could not be more of an authority than the children, the great and great grand children of the founder of Ovrode. The people who occupied leadership positions in Ovrode at that time as mentioned above have children who may be elders to Late Obo Enuma. No outside Ovrode person may be vast on how Ovrode was founded more than Iye-Owhe people like Late  Ebedi, Akpojabor, Atakpo, Ebemehor, even Ojenimah who died  in 2008 at the age of one hundred years and Odio-Okale, the immediate past  Odio-Ologbo of Ovrode who died in 2009 at the age of over one hundred years.

The  report of J.W. Hubbard of 1931 and the intelligence report of Mr. Chadwick of 1926 were based on  what was told to them by people who knew little or nothing about the origin of Ovrode. Ovrode people were not consulted on such important history that bothers on their origin during the inquiries.

J.W. Hubbard carried out his inquiry in 1931, based on the intelligence report of Mr. Patridge of 1926, a period of time when the history of the towns was regarded less important. This is not to say that the facts in the history of Ovrode was not known. Therefore faulting the report of Mr. Patridge and the intelligence report of 1926 as updated  by Mr. E.C. Chadwich and that of J.W. Hubbard of 1931 has  some supportive facts. The first of which may be that neither of the inquiries had people who were natives of that region where Ovrode is situated as members. Their inquiries did not necessarily carry them to Ovrode. All they did was to ask through an interpreter the happenings in an area, asking questions and collecting information as it may affect the area they were interested in and perhaps ask questions as it affects distant surroundings. The result could be incorrect information, wrong pronunciation and spelling of names of people and places and most importantly wrong history, especially when it is narrated by somebody with a biased mind. Some of the evidences of wrong and false history as reported and quoted are the work of J.W. Hubbard, where it was said that Ellu and his family, left his father Owhe to settle in the present place of Ellu and named the place Ellu. It was also said that much later the remaining three sons of Owhe; Uruovo, Urutato and Uruogbe followed Ellu’s example. It was said that they then carried the body of their father who died long ago, whose body was so preserved and left Iyede to the present place of Uruovo, buried their late father and named the place Uruovo. If the above is followed, one may be tempted to believe that Ellu was founded before Owhe.

Even in Obaro Ikime’s book “The Isoko People” (1972), as referred to by C.O. Agatemor, said that Ellu was the “eponym” of the town. As said above such is not correct as “Ellu has never been the name of any human being.

Also the “crisis of confidence”, compiled by Ellu Youth Organization, J.W. Hubbard was still quoted as follows: “In the first half of this century, (the seventeeth  century)  a man called Owhe therefore left Benin with his family and journeyed south. The name of his four sons are known: They are Uruovo, Urunogbe, Urutato and Ellu. Urutato and Ellu were of the same mother.” This is not known to Owhe people as neither Owhe was a man, nor the founder of Owhe Clan had a son called Ellu.  None of the above is a fact in the history of Ellu as it is known to the people of Ellu which prove the authors of those history wrong

Another observation against the people who carried out the inquiries was that the time they spent in one area during their inquiry was so short that they may not have time to find out who may be in a better position to tell them the correct history they needed. The team of J.W. Hubbard said that they visited Ovrode and Aradhe on the 27^th of August, 1931. Since the said inquiry was made public, the people of Ovrode have always maintained that they never saw them. It is also known to the people of Ovrode that, in issues as it may affect Ovrode, Ellu always want to stand in for Ovrode with the explanation that Ovrode is an offshoot of Ellu.

One of such instances worthy to be mentioned is when a clan was created for the three communities from the previous Owhe Clan. Before Aradhe and Ovrode could know it, a name of Ellu Clan had been suggested. There was no time the three communities met to agree on a possible name for their new clan, that was created in 1966, with a legal notice No. 17 of 1972 and the supplementary gazette No. 10 Vol. 9 of 20^th April 1974 which gave a legal backing to the clan and a new clan comprising Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode was established and called ELLU CLAN.

Before the above achievement, there has been an unbelievable historical  fabrication project  embanked upon by the people  of Ellu claiming that Ovrode left Ellu to found Ovrode. As a result, infuriating report about the origin of Ovime found its way into the intelligence report as presented by the E. Chadwick in 1926. The intelligence  report was on Owhe clan. It was reported that Ovrode originated from Ellu  and that the man who founded Ovrode left Uruode, a street in Ellu to found Ovrode. The name of the man was Ovime. It was also said  in that report that the founder of Aradhe, one Isakpa, let Ekrekaje, also a street in Ellu to found Aradhe.

It was much later before the people of  Ovrode discovered that  a terrible harm had been done to the origin of Ovrode. It was very obvious that the people who carried out that controversial inquiries failed to consult with the people of Ovrode to find out how Ovrode was founded or the origin of the founding of Ovrode. The person or the group of persons who formulated such false information to Mr. Chadwick did succeed  in creating what later turned out to be a seed of acrimony in  that already existing good neighbourliness  between the three towns. No body on earth will be happy with a new father who will be different from the one his mother told him. There, existed since then, a very cold relationship   between Ellu and Ovrode. Since then too, Ellu people began to pick and hold on to that formulated criminal story which tend to put Ovrode on the side of an offshoot of Ellu. Ironically the history of the foundation of Ovrode has never and will never be invented.  Therefore there can never be a struggle to accept any invented or formulated versions

The report of E.R. Chadwick in that regard was a sad development. It was a wicked report. That there existed a mere linguistic and morphological coincidence in pronunciation of Ovrode and Uruode is not a reason for that historical formulation. Also that the Ellu street of Ekrekaje is similar in pronunciation with Aradhe is also not a reason for what was done to destroy the tradition of origin of a town.

Late Oviemuno Otiede was no less a prominent son of Ellu town. He was a front fighter for the continued unity of the three towns.  In an opinion that can be considered to be so personal to him, and that he never wanted Erewo-Esa-Ellu as a name to be changed to Erewo-Esa. He agreed that the three towns were separately founded by the fore fathers of the various communities.

In a post script he wrote, signed and dated 21^st October 1980, he stated as follows:

“A few days  ago, it was understood that the Deputy Speaker of the Bendel State House of Assembly Hon. F.S. Okpozo intends to wade into the dispute existing amongst the three sister towns of Ellu,Ovrode and Aradhe usually referred  to as Erewo-Esa-Ellu. His aim is to resolve the issue so that peace may once again reign  in this apparently divided clan. No true sons of Erewo-Esa-Ellu can deny the fact that things are really in Ellu clan as they should be…”

In paragraph 3 (iv) of that post script, he said “The fall of the leadership in Ovrode and the secession of the Aradhe group has once again re-echoed the saying that “Truth is eternal and can only be suppressed for a time. Now, what is the truth? The truth is that at a point in time, our fore-fathers founded the sister/brother communities of Ellu, Ovrode and Aradhe and called it that unique name – the only name of its kind in Isoko Land and Bendel State – the Erewo-Esa-Ellu meaning the trinity towns of Ellu”

Late Oviemuno Otiede agreed that:-

1. The three communities of Ellu, Ovrode and Aradhe have been sister communities.
2. He was aware that there was no peace amongst the three towns and he was not happy about it.
3. He knew the truth in the foundation of the three towns that “our fore-fathers founded the sister/brother communities of   Ellu, Ovrode and Aradhe” He never said that Ovrode was founded from Ellu. He never said that there was or has been a  father and son relationship.
4. He still needed the then deputy speaker, Hon. F.S.Okpozo to wade into the issue for a possible resolution.

The truth that Ovrode town or Ovime who founded Ovrode never left Uruode in Ellu to found Ovrode but left Akiowhe-Owhe to found Ovrode can never be “suppressed”. Through this medium, a call is hereby put across to the inventors of the false history of the foundation of Ovrode and the sponsors of the failed project that attempted to impose the kingdom of Ellu town on Ovrode town. As a matter of importance, they should purge themselves by expressing absolute contrition to enable the conditional mercy of a loving, forgiving Creator be extended to them. Their doing so will surely serve as a reparation to the proper restoration into fullness of relationaship with Ovrode town.

THE EMERGENCE OF THE NAME,  EREWO-ESA-ELLU

After the founding of the three towns, the people inter-related in so many ways. The cold war between Ellu and Ovrode was introduced by some people starting mainly from the first half of the twentieth century, and lingered on till date.

Before the period of 1905, they related together as good neigbhours. They each did and went about their lives independent of one another. They separately kept their sovereign and autonomous status. Each had their own Odio–Ologbo as the head of their various towns. Their various Ekpakos presided over by their Odio-Ologbo, constituted their separate council of elders. They had their separate Ovo, kept and tended to by their Odio-Ologbo. The report of Mr. Partridge ironically pointed to that in page 35. There was nothing like Ovie (as it was non-existence) who was presiding over the council of any of the communities.  Even at a local level, geroncratic type of leadership still exist separately in each of the three communities until this time of writing. Every body knows the above to be true, even as the people of Ellu have willfully decided to replace the facts in history with a false claim.

It was during and after the administration of the British that the beautiful relationship between the three communities began to encounter problems.

There was one Chief Ode Agoma Ekperi of Ellu. He was an escort messenger at Ase District Office in 1905. That office carried a lot of influence in the area that was covered by the District office which included Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode. He later became the Otota (the spokesman) of Owhe clan.

There was also a man who emerged as a powerful war lord in Ellu. He was described as a terror in the whole of Isoko by Mr.  Chadwick.

The above two influential personalities were so feared in the whole area that Ovrode and Aradhe were forced naturally to keep a skewed relationship towards Ellu. These opportunities brought out the name of Ellu to the extent that the other two towns were queuing behind Ellu in almost all events.  In effect, they felt satisfied any time they were linked to Ellu and also any time Ellu represented them. That condition of identifying with the name of Ellu in any issue that bothered with the   District office and in the event of any war led to the emergence of  Erewo-esa-Ellu, beginning with – we are Ellu people; the three towns,  we are one from Ellu area. As it were, nobody felt disturbed or cheated as it never done on Aradhe and Ovrode that with time, the union shall push them into a real disadvantaged position. Even the Ellu people on their part had no intention of using the identification to the disadvantage of Ovrode and Aradhe as it later turned out to be.

In addition to the above advantage Ellu had, there was the war Ellu fought with Ashaka. Although the war was between Aradhe and Ashaka, the cordial relationship already existed between the three towns and the prominence of Ellu sons brought the name of Ellu forward during the war. The result was that the government at Ase knew of Ellu  more than any of the other two towns.

Before the government was relocated to Ughelli and later to Oleh, the name of Ellu covering the other two towns and indeed Erewo-esa Ellu had been made popular. The name Erewo-esa-Ellu was not in use from the days of foundation of the three towns. How that honour and name came up has no prove other than what is explained by this writer.

The location of Ellu which made government officials to reach Ellu first and much easily was   an added advantage. As a result whatever thing or information that was meant for the three towns was left at Ellu.

The above factors brought into prominence and the name Erewo-esa-Ellu became more established.

Chapter Two

OVRODE LOCATION AND ENVIRONMENT

Ovrode is a town in Isoko North Local Government Area of Delta State of Nigeria. It is not an easy task to locate the exert position of Ovrode in the map, probably because of the size of the community. However when one considers the neighbouring towns (small communities too) that bounded Ovrode, it can be said therefore that Ovrode is roughly located at latitude 5.4⁰ North and Longitude 10.4⁰ East.

Ovrode is more precisely located in between Usie community to the north, Aradhe community to the north-west, Ozoro community to the south, Ellu community to the west and Ofagbe community to the east. While Aradhe, Ozoro, Ellu and Ofagbe are all in Isoko North Local Government Area, Ushie which shares a boundary with Ovrode is in Ndokwa East Local Government Area, all in Delta State.

Ovrode town is off the express road as one travels from Ozoro, (the Headquarter of Isoko North Local Government Area) to Asaba the capital city of the State, Ellu  is five kolometres from Ozoro. Turning right at Ellu, Ovrode is three kilometers from Ellu. On the other hand, Aradhe community is three kilometres from Ellu. In the same vain, turning right from Aradhe, Ovrode is still also three kilometers from that same express road from Ozoro to Asaba. In other words, Ellu and Aradhe both form their various tee junctions that lead to Ovrode at a distance of three kilometers each.

Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode are the three communities that make one of the administrative clan in Isoko nation.

Locating Ovrode town however is now made easy that any visitor from any part of the country or anywhere else will have no problem in getting to the town as a result of road network.

Ovrode is within the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria. The town is situated in a plain level ground floored with sand, clay and mud soil. The entire area of Ovrode is devoid of hill but it is an upland of between 60 and 90 metres above sea level providing a very attractive landscape for the people.

CLIMATE AND VEGETATION

Like every other part of the Niger Delta and the rain forest, Ovrode town is marked with two pronounced seasons. There is the dry season that is experienced between November  to March and the wet or raining season between April  and October. Ovrode is located in the region that  hardly experience a distinct dry season without rainfall. This is because of the latitudinal location of the region that attracts rain bearing wind across the region.

With a temperature of between 28^0C to 35^0C the climate is relatively hot. The above coupled, with the rain, and the type of soil, there is the rain forest in the area with patches of what could be called the guinea savannah which could be located around the lake Ebe between, Ovrode and Aradhe, and between Ovrode and Ofagbe.  There are such grassland at Ato-Ogbeza, Onokwa, and other places. These grasslands gradually give way to patches of tall grass such as  are found at Aja bush. There are also the tall trees like the palm oil trees in the dry area and the rafia palm  trees at the swampy areas around lake Ebe, Ohwe the-the, Ogbe-Ego-Ikoro and other areas. Rain forest trees are also located at Okpure, Uzovu, Anagwe, and so many other places around Ovrode. The growth of such trees is traceable to the frequent rainfall that may get up to 200cm in a year. This  condition which make the soil to be relatively fertile has  influenced the kind of farming the people of Ovrode practice. The rainfall and the topography of the area provide for lakes like Lake Ebe, swampy areas like Oku, Ato-Ogbeza, Onokwa and many more. There are also some pot holes that retain water such as Ohwe the-the, Omo-Ebe, Eto and some others. All these water retaining areas provide for some kind of fish farming. This may be connected to the choice of the location for the settlement of Ovrode.

While the Savannah area contains some low or dwarff trees scattered all over, the rain forest contains big trees. Apart from the palm trees, there are the iron trees (elo) around Lake Ebe. There are the iroko trees, mahogany, obeche and other type of trees. Up to some twenty years ago, the palm wine trees were providing thatches for house roofing while the iron trees were used as pillars and beams for erecting houses. Our red mud soil provides for the wall of such houses.

The bamboo (Ukpogho) tree is also common in Ovrode bush. The bamboo tree found in Ovrode bush could be around 30mm in radius, beautifully built with a length of up to 15meters.

POPULATION OF OVRODE

Ovrode is a built up community of about three kilometers square with a total land mass of around twenty square kilometers. There are nine district streets (quarters) making up the sovereign community of Ovrode.

The population of the town is probably a reflection of the small size. Like every other traditional community, Ovrode has her people scattered all over the country and beyond. The quest for a greener pasture and/or for the pursuit of economic realities, thousands of the sons and daughters of Ovrode went their various ways in search of occupation and the western education.

It may be true that the people of Ovrode living outside the community may be more than those living within. This development has created a very wrong impression that the community has no good or large population.

Population as it affects Ovrode could be two factors. As a result of the absence of the white collar job and the absence of any meaningful industry, very few people of other communities come to Ovrode to stay. Apart from perhaps few teachers, and few local workers from the health and judicial service, all other people living in the town are purely indigenes. The above development has presented a wrong impression that Ovrode has low population.

On the other hand, with the indigenes of Ovrode scattered all over the country and other parts of the world believed to be even more than those at home, the population of Ovrode could be estimated to be up to 15,000.

From the days of old, the people of Ovrode are highly hospitable and are also interested in moving from place to place in search of means of living because they believe there is dignity in labour. They have been so naturally prepared for that. Their physical built is such that they are slim with an average height of 1.6 meter tall. This has given them the advantage of long life with an average life span of eighty years. This is true as it relates to the rest of Isoko people generally. Obesity is not a common physique amongst Isoko people including Ovrode.

It could also be said that absence of industry and any notable commercial activities have compelled the people to some extent limit their occupation to be local farming through manual labour. This physical exaction of  labour have also contributed to the kind of built of their physique.

The soil around Ovrode is fertile for the cultivation of cassava, yam and some native crops such as pepper, black beans (eza) etc.  The abundance of palm threes enable the tapping and the collection of palm nuts from where palm (red) oil and kernel are got.

The hunting of animals and birds are not necessarily for sale. Antelopes, bush cow, grass cutter, and many more are the animals people hunt. The domestication of goats, sheep, cows and birds like chicken, duck and others are also carried out for food, for sale and in some cases people take part in them as hobbies. The domestication of dogs in addition to the above reasons is also for defence.

LAKE EBE

Lake Ebe of Ovrode is one of such important features in Delta State that is awaiting harnessing for tourism. It is the main source of water farming for the people of Ovrode. Lake Ebe, located on the north-east part of the town, is about two kilometers from the town. History emphasized the importance of Lake Ebe in the settlement of Ovrode. The founder of Ovrode, having located Lake Ebe, caught some fish for food. It was said that at the time his close relatives joined him in his new found land, he had some fishes already smoked for food.

Lake Ebe is the largest lake in Isoko land and Delta State. It is even more than the present size of Ovrode built up area. Ovrode people largely depend on the lake for source of fish and other aquatic animals.

Fishing in Lake Ebe is done all year round though there is a specific season or period for the entry and the catching of fish. The period of rain starts from the month of April which eventually leads to high flood beginning from July to November. During this period, the lake overflows its banks with water extending to the areas called Ugwerun and even Okpure. Also during this time, so many low level areas around Ovrode are filled with water with a possible habitation of fishes for eventual catch during the dry season.

At the dry period of around March, it will be officially declared open for fish to be caught in the lake. In the days of old, it was an offence for any body to start fishing in the lake when it was not declared open.

After an opening ceremony by the Chief Priest, entering into it and the catching of fish begins, and it will be so free until the coming of the next flood. Custom has it that the nets used for fishing in the lake should be those allowed by the spirit and the god of the lake.  Allowed nets are Iboro, Uge, aro and dried woods (big trees with  hollows). The people of Ovrode also have individual ponds around the lake which at the low water, are bailed for a good catch of fish. Tilapia, mud fish, cat fish, electric fish and many more are the most common fish. They are all fresh water fish.

Other swampy areas (Ibo) are so many, surrounding the bushes of the lake. In those places, the ponds are unique. While such ponds are bailed annually and in some cases in two years or more, those at the bank of lake Ebe may be bailed two to three times within a period of one year. The purpose of allowing for a longer time in the first type of pond is to allow for fish maturity. Those ponds could be individually owned, family owned or could be owned by more than one family, in which case the various lines, (Ukri) are owned by individual families. In large ponds it could take more than one day, night inclusive to catch the fishes.

In lake Ebe and in all other water logged areas around Ovrode, apart from fishes, there are reptiles of various kinds. Crocodiles, eguanas, tortoise, monitor and snakes are found in them. While crocodile is a delicacy amongst Ovrode people, equana and monitor are not edible reptiles in Ovrode for reasons that may be explained in subsequent chapters of this book. All species of snail fall in to this category. Fossils can also be seen. Edible crabs of the dark colour with smooth back are commonly found in the water-logged areas. Crayfish of the small species (Iku) are delicacies in Ovrode.

SHELTER AND COMMERCE

Like the rest of Isoko people, the people of Ovrode built their houses to suit the environment and the people.

The traditional house of Ovrode people is always in four-corner form. Live sticks are cut from the bush to erect as the pillars.

Woods of about 30 mm in diameter form the pillars with some other smaller ones that are erected for the formation of the wall. The gables, the rafters and the mid-ribb are all woods that are cut from the bush. The roofing is done with thatches tied with ropes to the rafters. Bamboos split into several pieces are tied to the sticks to form the wall. Thereafter sand mixed with water to form a mud is used to cover the tied bamboo and the erected sticks to form the complete wall of a traditional house.

For a better comfort, the wall and the floor are well smoothed and scrubbed with a better red sand for a good look. Such beautification could be repeated though not on a very frequent intervals but could be done especially during any festival.

This traditional house though local, has the advantage of cooling effect from the scourge of the tropical heat. It is also less expensive as almost all what it takes to build the house is sort locally. Friends and well wishers almost always manually and communally aid the owner in the erecting and the finishing of the house.

The pattern of the traditional house is usually that which will contain a sitting room, and one or two sleeping rooms. They are usually not more than 4 meters by 5 meters, with one entrance door to the sitting room and one each from the sitting room to the rooms. There could be some windows of about half by three quarter meter. Ceiling is not a common feature in them, but the rooms are decked with bamboo and sand to make the room cool the more and to provide for a large shelf (Enueri) where properties could  be kept.  The gables are covered with bamboo sticks. In the sitting room especially in the house of a woman, one side of the house provides for a kitchen for cooking. In that same side, two shelves are installed, on a height of about two meters above the ground under which fire is made for cooking (Ahan) and the second Enueri. The first one (ahan) is specially prepared for drying of what ever thing that needed to be stored, though all the shelves served as storage facility. There is still another shelf (Igbava) where accessories like plates and left over foods are kept.

As fragile as the traditional house may look like, it served the purpose of a  good shelter more so that the society then was relatively free of thuggery and robbery with  weapons of some sophistication. The society was not as delicate as it is presently.  People were moving freely within and out of their areas.

Other fittings includes protectors against domestic animals and birds (Ulewe). Furnitures included local wood benches.  In some cases, local bed made of bamboo could be in the sitting room to provide for both furniture and for additional sleeping place for the children. Those who could not do that will elevate a part of the floor of the sitting room up to the height of 20mm to serve the same purpose. It is called Umukpe.

Normal bed, though made of bamboo or the mid rib of the rafia palm frond is kept in the inner room for the sleeping of the elders.  It was common in those days that husband and wife(ves)  have their houses separated  from  one another. That perfectly satisfy the conditions whereby men forbid certain conditions of the women.  It also kept wives out of too much exposure.

Distance were walked before materials for building and decorating houses were got. Sticks were got from the forest, bamboos were got from afar and thatches for roofing were got from the swamp forest where raffia palm trees could be found.

As it were, there were no vehicles. Bicycle which came later formed a good means of transportation. Before the advent of the bicycle, walking was the main mode of movement. Loads were carried on the head for whatever distance that was made. With the advent of the bicycle, movement became much easier. Exchange of commodities that were hitherto done only within are now being moved to neighbouring communities and far beyond. Markets became enlarged whereby communities like Ashaka, Ibrede and Igbuku which were centers of large market were also serving the people of Ovrode. They were able to move their yams, starch, plantain and many more to those market centers whereby they could purchase fish, farm implements, clothes tobacco and many more industrial products.

In the cause of more commercial awareness, some people even became traders. Buying and selling of industrial products including clothes were done. Places like Ekakpamre in Ughelli North Local Government Area were market centers for such commodities. Such was the case until the advent of a more faster method of movement,  the motor vehicle. The motor vehicle was  a very good factor that made so many people to become big time traders on palm oil and palm kernel. These products were taken to Ashaka, Warri, Sapele etc.

Opening up of large markets made the natives to be more involved in wider occupation. They intensified their strength in whatever occupation they went into, especially palm collecting and yam cultivation. Kernel production became more industrialized. Cracking of kernel left the manual stage to mechanized method using cracking machines. Sifting the kernels also left the crude and slow method of hand picking to sifting after mixing the cracked kernel with water and mud. Water for that purpose as it were was not difficult to get.

The source of water for Ovrode people has been the well sunk manually, the pond and the lakes. During the dry season the level of the water table goes down that the wells are dried, source of water is then limited to nearby ponds and water retaining pot holes.

Pipe borne water is a not too long as source of water for the community. Presently the wells and the ponds act as a standby source of water for the community apart from collection of water when rain falls. The kind of modern houses these days made such water useful.  Houses now are built with cement block and roofed with iron sheets with every thing that makes for a modern house.

Changes have been so rapid that Ovrode has become a market center for so many communities.  There are now market stalls though not lock-up yet. Food stuff, cloths and industrial products are brought to the market for sale. With Ovrode’s advantage of centrally located to other communities, such as Ellu, Aradhe, Ofagbe and even Ushie, the market is fast becoming large.

The market of Ovrode is yet to be on daily basis like what it is in big cities of Ughelli and Warri. It is operated once in every eight days. This is the day other traders come from other communities far and near to do selling and buying. Some come to the market with industrial goods like clothing, electric and electronic items, educational materials and many more. Food item is also a common product in the market. Cassava products, yam, plantain, rice, beans, oil and others are sold and bought. Patronage has enlarged Ovrode market. Motor vehicles now bring people from far and near to the market. Ovrode market now draw patronage from all parts of Delta. Many traders come from Urhobo land, Ndokwa, Patani etc.

In Ovrode also, the daily evening market is operated. This is limited mainly to the natives and inhabitants of Ovrode. This market contains items that are used mainly for daily food. Fish, plantain, yam, oil, melon, and other ingredients are sold daily in the evenings.

There is still another daily market in the town. There are stores where food and industrial items are sold daily from morning till evening. Consumable industrial products like drinks, biscuits and others are sold by store operators and owners. In recent times stores   with goods such as clothings, electronics and even building materials are found in the town.

Chapter Three

OCCUPATION AND LOCAL INDUSTRIES

The principal occupation of Ovrode people is agriculture. Ovrode people are predominantly farmers. The emergence of economic activities in Ovrode follows the same pattern with the rest of Isoko people.

How the economic activities were introduced into Ovrode was not different from their method of settlement. It has been said that many towns in Isoko were settled before Ovrode. Owhe for example, was long settled before Ovrode. Ozoro also was settled  before Ovrode and many others. The coming of the first settlers of Ovrode also was followed with the going along with them such activities that were already in practice in their former place of stay.

The cultivation of yam and cassava form the major farming activities in Ovrode. The collection of palm nut, the taping of palm wine and fishing are also some of the major agricultural activities of Ovrode people.

SUBSISTENCE FARMING

Until about now, farming in Ovrode has been the subsistence type. All the farm produce have been for consumption. Yam, cassava, plantain, melon, native beans, etc form the major food items of the people. Fishing is also done for consumption.

The farming in Ovrode takes two seasons. There is that which is done between March and April and that of November to December of each year.

Ovrode people practice the shifting cultivation. By this method, when the produce of a   cultivated farm is harvested, the farm is left to fallow for at least three years before it is cultivated again. The advantage is that, the period of fallow would provide for natural manure with the dead leaves. During the period of leaving a particular land to fallow, the people move to

another area to farm. So it is done until when the first land will be ready for farming again.

Ordinarily, a farmer knows when a portion of land is fallowed enough for another round of cultivation. The land is first of all cleared or brushed. The sticks and the trees are cut and their leaves are left in the farm. The sticks and trees are collected together in different places, which may be used to support the yams when they germinate and grow up. If the yams are not supported, their stems will creep on the ground, a situation that will make them less productive.

When the brushed farm is dried after some days, it is set on fire. The advantage of the fire is two fold. It will make for easy removal of the cleared grass and it will aid the manuring process of the farm. This is why farming is avoided during the raining season. The timing also has to do with the advantage so provided by the dry season to make the crops grow and for better harvest.

After burning the farm, the debris of the burnt grass are removed, for easy  planting. In case of yam, the soil is tilled with a hoe for planting.

As stated above, there are two different planting seasons in Ovrode.  The first period is from March to April just before the rain sets in. The type of yam planted is mostly the red yam (okpe) and the white type called esalagha or (obro.

In most cases, before the planting of yams, maize is planted along the four boundaries of the farm. Thereafter more of it including pepper, cassava etc could be planted in between the yams. In addition to the cereal, okro may be planted.

The second planting season, may start from November when the raining season is receding. The advantage of this is that the crops will use the existing wet ground to germinate and do well at the beginning of the dry season.

The farming of both periods require a good care from the farmer. After planting, it may not be long before the yam begin to grow. Weeding the farm which is done mostly  by the women folk is done at any time the weed comes up. The first weeding in Ovrode is called ebieri while the second weeding period   is referred to as owarie.  The third round of weeding should have been enough for the farm to be harvested. The period of time between the time of planting and harvesting takes up to eight months. Planting is between March and April while harvesting starts from November. This farming is called eleza.

The difference in the two seasons apart from the period, is that while the first is done in the dry land (Oge) the second is done in two different vegetational areas. The eleya in the second is either in a thick forest or close to a swampy area. The white soft yam (ekpuke) is cultivated in those areas. In addition to the yams, maize is also planted. Other crops planted in addition are, melon, native beans (eza and iyezie). Okro may be planted. In those days legume like eruahe were planted.

In both farms, some green leaves are also planted which could provide for edible vegetable. Two types of garden egg (erovre and emiahe)  are also  planted.

It is a thing of regret that yam farming is receiving less attention. This situation is not unconnected with the loss of nutrient of the soil and the recent introduction of the rearing of cattle by the Fulanis. These animals destroy the farmers crops without any compensation from the cattle owners. The government on its part has failed to consider the situation as what could be controlled.

Today the major food crop left for the Ovrode farmer is the cassava. Because of the economic hardship imposed on the people by bad government, the attention given to the cultivation of cassava seem to know no season. Preparing the cassava farm takes the same form as that of the yam. The planting of cassava is only what is different. While planting the yam, seedlings as well as tearing or cutting a yam tuber into some pieces is planted, cassava sticks are cut into a length of about fourteen inches for planting. The surface of the soil is opened with a cutlass up to  the  length that can take the cut cassava stick. The dept of the opened soil may not be more than three inches deep. The stick is put inside and the two ends of the stick are covered with the soil. In most cases the middle is left uncovered. The two ends may germinate, produce new cassava stems upwards and cassava tuber down bellow the soil.

The Ovrode people engage in market gardening. Yams are planted in a ridge prepared in their compounds. The period of time for this is between December and January. Vegetables are also planted. This set of compound farming is of a small size. It could be harvested in June or July for quick food. It is pertinent to state that Ovrode farmers are yet to be opened to the use of fertilizer. Their farming is solely depended on natural manure provided by the dead leaves that fall on the ground resulting from long period of bush fallow. The burning of the brushed farm also provide the natural nitrate that helps to add nutrient to the soil.

In all kinds of farming, crude implement is still being used. Cutlass is used to clear the farm, both at the first instance and during weeding. Felling of trees is also done with the cutlass. In very few cases, the axe is used to cut the big trees. These days one hardly see big trees in the bush of Ovrode. This is because, the felling of trees over time has provided for only tall grasses and average sticks to be found in the bush of Ovrode. Tilling of the soil is done with the hoe. The local and traditional implements used may have given rise to the size of farming found in the area.

Mechanized farming is yet to be introduced in Ovrode. This perhaps has led to the small nature of farming that is carried out in the area. It should be pointed out that yam production is decreasing at an alarming rate. In the 1950s and 1960s the quantity of yam produced was far more than what is obtainable today.  There were more devoted farmers, the soil was more fertile than what we have now and deforestation was not seen during that period. The population was not this high, therefore the size of farms for each farmer were larger than what we have today. Harvest was also more than what we have today.

Yam harvest was a very interesting exercise in the days of old. Harvesting the red yam starts from the month of November. As soon as the yam is observed to be matured, the head is exposed to sunlight by removing the soil that covers the head. The tuber is left still in the soil. The reason for this is to make the sun to dry the head down to the tuber. A little while the yam tuber is cut from the head with the roots still in tact.  The head is buried back into the soil. With the aid of the roots not cut, the head may grow a little bigger to make for planting during the next planting period. The tuber is then buried horizontally beside the head for a period of time to enable it dry before it is removed to the barn for preservation.

In the month of December, the tuber is removed to the ban where yams are stored. The head is later removed also to the barn as seedlings for replanting.

The above system of harvesting is not applicable to the white (ekpuke) yam that are planted in the later part of the year. The harvesting of the white yam is outright removal from the soil and preserved either on a large shelf (agbada) prepared for that purpose or to the barn. No care is taken of the head as in the case of the red yam.

The harvesting of cassava takes a different form. In doing that, the stem is cut with the bottom half of it left for a proper grip to bring out the tuber. Tubers are collected together, either peeled in situ or taking home for peeling. After the peeling, it is then diverted to which ever use it is intended for.

The type of shifting cultivation practiced in Ovrode does not involve the  relocation of the farmer from  place to place. They would go to the farm in the morning and return to their homes in the evening when the day’s work is over. A hut is built with palm frund in the farm especially in the eleza farm where they would rest when the sum is hot. They also do their cooking there.

The people of Ovrode use the barn system to store their harvested yams. In the barn, yams are not left on the ground. They are tied tuber by tuber on a stick so prepared for that purpose, tieing them into a line of more than twenty lines depending on the number. The size of the lines of barn is a symbol of good harvest and a successful farmer. Farmers of that category appreciate their success and blessing with the slaughtering of a goat for members of their family and other well wishers to celebrate.

In recent years farming in Ovrode has undergone some changes. Farming, though has been the major occupation of Ovrode people, it has primarily been for consumption.  Little was produced for exchange and for sale. Markets where exchange and sale were done were Ashaka, Igbuku, Ibrede and Umuolu. A mold of cassava (ukoliegu), raw starch and even yams were exchanged for fish, cutlass and other few industrial items.

Of late, farming has taken a very different turn. Not only the commercial need increased, farming on yam has seriously given way to cassava farming. Cassava which now has garri, starch, chaff (ifoniya), fufu as its derivative, is  highly commercially demanded that the attention of farmers have shifted to its cultivation and its processing. Today the products of cassava is taken to so many big cities for sale.

PALM NUT AND PALM WINE FARMING

Palm nut collecting is a traditional occupation in Ovrode that is reserved for the men folk. The origin of this crop followed the same trend with other crops to Ovrode.

Naturally, palm trees are widely grown around the bushes of Ovrode. Their sizes are the normal palm tree size that are found in the rain forest of the Niger Delta Region. Each bear bunches of up to two or three at a time. When it is observed to be matured and ripe enough for collecting, the farmer with the aid of a specially made local climbing rope, which are always two, are used to climb the tree. The ropes are made in such a way that both are used to round the tree with a hangover from each to be worn on the right and the left leg which aid the climbing. A long cutlass (Ubruedi) is used to cut the bunch to the ground. As  one climbs, a locally made cutlass carrier (agbodor) is tied to the waist and the cutlass is hung on it until one gets to the top of the tree for the cutting.

As the men keep on cutting from tree to tree, the women would collect the cut bunch to the oil production centre (otoko), the local industry for the production of palm oil, palm kernel, local soap and local fuel. The activities in the local industry is discussed in another part of this book. The men sometimes also carry the bunches with the aid of a carved bow-shaped stick called Urovie.

Palm wine farming is different. While the palm tree grows widely, the palm win tree in a large extent is cultivated before it begins to grow wide from the falling seeds. The method of climbing and tapping is also different. The bamboo (Ukpogho) is cut to form a ladder used to climb the tree. In the days of old, a calabash from gourd was well positioned for the collection of the wine. With the fading out of gourd, plastic container of about four litres is used to collect the wine.

There is another type of wine collected from the palm tree. While the wine from the raffia palm is referred to as ogoro, the one from the palm tree is more referred to as usi. In case of usi tapping, the same climbing ropes used for the collection of the palm nuts is used also. Sometimes the palm tree is felled and tapped on the ground. The wine

got from it which is different in taste from the ogoro and the usi, contains more alcohol than the other two. It is called oke.

Palm nut and the palm wine farming is practiced in Ovrode. The palm nut farming is put into two uses. Palm oil is collected and palm kernel is also collected. The oil is for both consumption and for sale. The kernel also is for sale while a little percentage of both are used for pomade and soap making. Other bye products like the chaff (eta) is used to light fire, while the ezuedi is used for soap making. The kernel shells can be used to make fire and also for filling a damp ground. In some time past, it was used locally in place of granite for construction and the filling of mashy environment around buildings and roads.

The wine produced from both trees may be consumed or sold. Method of turning the palm products into the various uses is discussed in the area of local industry.

PLANTATION FARMING

Plantation farming in Ovrode is of a less scale. The farming which is only for commercial purposes is not in a wide scale in the town.

Another cash crop that surfaced in the town in the 1960s, though almost gone out of the town is cocoa. The crop was introduced to the town by those who stayed in the Western part of the country where the crops is largely produced. The failure to do well was because the soil is not good for it and the farmers lack the knowledge of the use of fertilizer.

HUNTING

Throughout Ovrode land, this aspect of human endeavour is pursued by  men in comparatively very small scale. While some hunters go alone to the forest at night to lay in wait for any animal that may come their way, others go in group (itele) to chase and kill animals. It is some times done with the help of dogs.

The trapline (uvie) has an advantage over others. It also last longer. It is done by fencing across a large forest, from point to point either with cassava or ordinary sticks, bamboo sticks or palm fronds. Traps are then set along it at the points where small passages as thoroughfare are opened for animals.  Any animal trying to pass through the passage is caught.

There is another type of trap called ufi otor. This is a very dangerous trap. It is set at points along animal track. It is set on the surface of the ground in such a way that it may not be noticed by animal as it passes the track. In the process, it may step on the trap which may catch and hold it hanging. Sometimes an iron trap called agbefe is used in the same way.

FISHING

Fishing is another important occupation of the Ovrode people. It could be recalled that the founder of Ovrode was said to have discovered the big lake Ebe of Ovrode where he did his fishing in addition to hunting.

Apart from lake Ebe, there are so many swampy areas and spots where fishing can be done around Ovrode. There are Ohwe-the-the, Aluorie, Ogboegoikoro, Onokwa, Ato-Ogbeza, Omo-ebe, Oku, Ugwerun etc.

Fishing is done seasonally in Ovrode, although skeletal fishing can be carried out all year round. During the raining season, fish is seen in and around the Savannah area. This is between July and October. At the peak of the flood, the killing of fish is reduced until about November when the flood subsides. At the dry period of February through to April, fishing is more extensively done, especially in and around lake Ebe.

Fishing in lake Ebe has special tools. From origin, the spirit of the lake did not allow certain implements and food items to be taken near to it. Nets like iboro, aro and uge are easily and freely used. Nets like utuoto and uvwe are not to be used in the lake to kill fish.

In the mid 1960s, there were casualties that resulted from the use of such forbidden fishing instruments by intruders  who  were laying claim to the lake. However, such intruders later realized the falsehood of their claim and desisted.

There are other methods and techniques for the killing of fish. The most common techniques are the use of hooks of different kinds and sizes.

1. The Hook (Oghole): the hook is tied to a line with a bait on the hook. The line is tied to a supporting stick and placed in water awaiting any possible fish which may attempt to eat the bait. By this method the fisherman has numerous hooks ranging from 50 to 100 that he sets in different places or some times in a line of about five to eight metres distance from one another. He visits the hooks at intervals, replacing lost baits and putting away caught fishes. Some fishermen set the hooks over night, check once or two times during the night and remove the hooks and fishes at dawn. This is called ikpobe.
2. Another technique is the flinging type. This is similar to the first as it has a stick and a line made up of a thread. The difference is that the stick and the thread are longer with a floater tied to the thread. One or two hooks may be  used at a time by one person. He watches the floater. The attempt of the floater to sink is an indication that a fish is eating the bait.  The stick is then flung up for a possible catch. This is the fishing technique employed mostly by children and youths.
3. Pond (Ohwe): The people also fish by digging ponds. They are baled dry of water during the dry season and catch the fish and other creatures found in the pond.
4. Fish trap: This is called uge. It is weaved like the basket but take different forms. When weaved, there is a small entry point for fish. It is positioned in such a way that water can pass through it. In what look like a ridge, (udio), openings are cut along it at intervals and the nets are set along it. As water passes through so also fish may want to pass through. In the process the fish as it enter through the opening, will neither be able to pass through nor able to come out as it has a closed end. Once a day, the fisherman may visit his nets and emptied his catch.
5. Nets/Dragnets and Baskets: Fishing nets or dragnets known as Iboro is a very unique method of fishing as it catches various other creatures such as crabs and lobsters including crayfish, depending on the finger size of the net. The net may be put across fish ways. The water could be shakened for any available fish to run. In the process, the net could catch the fish. Some times the net could be kept as such to be checked daily for a possible catch. Fishes caught are emptied into the canoe and taken to shore. The women fish with baskets called aro in streams and ponds for their immediate need.

TRADING

No settlement has ever existed without any element of trading. Trading has been a part of the occupation of Ovrode people.

In the days of old, trade by batter was the method adopted. Ovrode not being, exception, there was scarcity of cash at the time. What they deed then was the exchange of commodities. One of the limitations in trading was the means of transport. Movements were made on foot. It was therefore not easy to walk long distances. Nearby communities were more involved in the act of commodity exchange. Places like Ibrede, Igbuku, Ashaka were centres for the exchange, though little of it were done within, some also were done within Ovrode, Aradhe and Ellu.

Ovrode commodities were more of food items. Yams, starch, fufu, fish and pepper were exchanged for what the people could not produce such as cutlass, and  its sharping stone, clothes, plates and other industrial products. Palm oil and kernel were also used by the people of Ovrode to exchange for their needs.

As time goes on and with the introduction of cowries as means of exchange, cowries were effectively used for the purchase of their needed items. Money later came to replace the use of cowries even with that, trade by batter continued. People who were in need of money but had none would meet who has for an assistance on an agreed term. The needy would either make himself available to assist owner of the money in farm work any time he is called upon for that purpose. Another system was that, the borrower would willingly provide one of his children to the lender until such a time he would be able to refund the money. That was called Ijova.

The Ijova system of exchange is long gone. The use of money has completely taken over. One now pays money for whichever item purchased. Interest of cash is now bargained for money borrowed.

These days trading in Ovrode has taken the modern time system. All farm products are traded for in Ovrode. All categories of traders are also found. There are those who trade on local products like yam, plantain, oil, fish, beans, rice etc. Kernel is sold to the buying agents. There are two types of market today in Ovrode. There is the daily evening market, where food items dominate. Here, items for daily food can easily be found. There is still the big market day which is in every eight days.  This is the market where all kinds of items ranging from local to industrial goods are sold and bought. It attracts patronage from far and near. Apart from people from other Isoko towns who come to trade there, people from Urhobo, Kwale and Ijaw countries also come to trade. There are those who will come to buy while others come to sell.

There are other categories of traders in the town. These are those who own shops. Those shops are stocked with what the owner of the shop considered to be the daily needs of the people. Items may range from biscuits to medicine. They operate from morning till evening.

Other businesses that can be mentioned here are bicycle repairing, tailoring, carpentry, mason, etc. The natives and people from other towns are involved in these businesses.

Hotel and catering services are now found in Ovrode. In this category are also beer palour and recreation centers.

The white-collar job, as an occupation was not prevalent in Ovrode except in the teaching field. It was after the Nigeria Independence that the Ovrode people began to take up carrier in industrial employment and in Government job. This  was because, while few people had the western education, there were no much skilled professionals who could take up employment with firms in other industries.

LOCAL INDUSTRY

There is the absence of a modern industry in Ovrode. What may be called an industry is the turning of the commodities produced into another product. In other words, some of the agricultural commodities are locally turned in the local way and come out with another product.  What is seen here is purely local industry.

More than one product can be got from the palm nut, the cassava and even the palm wine. The most prominent local industry in the town is the extraction of palm oil from palm nut and the making of garri from cassava.

PALM OIL EXTRACTION

The cutting of palm nut from the palm tree as described above is an occupation that is more reserved for men while the women assist in the collection of the cut bunches into the oil production centre, called Oto-oko. About two farmers could join together to form and own oto-oko. In using the oto-oko together, they separately and or individually owned their ekuedi. Ekuedi is the palm nut bunches collected together in the oto-oko. In some cases, a hut is built to house the ekuedi from rain, otherwise it is covered with leaves. The bunches are sliced into about four parts and arranged properly to form the ekuedi.

The ekuedi is left for some few days after which the nuts are removed from the sliced bunches. A little fermentation would make the nuts to be easily removed when one beats the sliced bunch with either a cutlass or with an instrument well prepared for that purpose called Okaedi. In slicing the bunches, the axe is used for easy and quick slicing. As the nuts fall out of the sliced bunch, they are always followed with some fibres. The fibres are sifted out and the nuts are packed into the trough for proper extraction of the oil. The trough called oko is about three metres in length and one metre wide at the surface. It is in a V shape to the bottom. The bottom is about one quarter of a metre with a thick iron wood carved for the purpose. The sides are made of planks supported with strong wood. Its height is about one metre. It is constructed in such a way that one end is a little higher than the other. The reason is for water to be easily drained through a small hole in lower end. When it is in use the hole is well covered. The water is drained from the trough at the end of extraction.

When all the nuts have been sifted and packed into the trough, water is pured on them in form of washing and the water flow out through the said hole. They are all pushed to the elevated part of the trough, covered well with palm frunds and left till the next day. The next morning, as early as 0500hrs, the owner and his partner should have arrived the Oto-oko. They will mash the nuts to a level, pack all mashed nuts still to the elevated part of the trough, cover them again for a proper fermentation. With the aid of the long stick earlier put at the bottom, hole is created at the bottom of the mashed nuts. The hole will enable the first oil coming out to flow and be collected at the lower end of the trough. This is the best of the oil called abalo. The abalo can be collected up to two times before the real manual extraction takes place.

In extraction, water is poured in the free section of the trough up to three quarter full. Some of the mashed nuts are pushed into the water. It is mixed together very well. While the mashing should have removed the chaff from the kernel, the mixing is to remove the oil from the fibre and the kernel. The oil will float still mixed with some chaff in a thick paste form. As it floats on top of the water, it will be removed out into a container. The chaff and the kernel are removed from the water with a small mat like weaven instrument called efe. While the chaff is removed and thrown out carelessly, the kernel is removed into a place where they can be packed for drying in the sun.

At this stage, the oil is still mixed with water and some chaff. The mixture is collected into a pot or a drum for boiling. At a certain temperature the oil tends to float to the top. The contents of the pot is packed out and with a filter again, it is filtered into a container. This will enable the chaff to be removed and to be left with the real oil and water. The oil which float on top of the water will be removed carefully with the aid of any flat small container. The water left behind will be bailed out for another round of filtration to take place until the whole mixture is finished. The pure oil as it is removed is purred into a tin or now, a jerican for sale.

At present, people use the mechanical oil mill, locally fabricated for that purpose. This method involve less manual labour before the oil is extracted. The raw or boiled nuts are packed into a drum-like container. Inside it, is about three or four rods welded horizontally and half way across one another. This section of the machine is connected to another motorized one, driving by belt. The two are held together in a platform. The engine when started and with the aid of the belt will drive and turn the welded rods which will in turn churn the nuts into a mashed paste for the oil to be extracted in the same way.  In the same way, the kernel is packed into a place for drying properly before cracking takes place.

KERNEL CRACKING AND PROCESSING

The cracking of kernel was formally done manually. A thick iron wood was cut on which the kernel was put one after the other. A heavy well shaped iron in form of a ruler called ogboko was used to hit the nuts against the iron wood one after the other.

At a later date cracking machine was introduced. Kernels are packed into its iron funnel where they passed to the cracking part of the machine operated with a petrol engine. As a result of its rate of operation, many people are needed to perform the manual aspect of the job which is packing and sifting the kernel before  and after cracking.

When the kernels are cracked, the nuts are separated from the shells by way of washing. The system is that a pit is dug longitudinally and a muddy water is prepared in it which will enable the nuts as they float to be separated from the shells. The nuts are removed, dried with the aid of the sun and packed in bags for sale to the middle men who convey them to the big cities for sale to manufacturing industries and overseas.

THE MAKING OF GARRI, STARCH, FUFU AND CHAFF

Garri, starch, fufu and chaff are some of the by-products of cassava. To the people of Ovrode, cassava is a very important product. The cultivation of cassava is one of the major occupations of the people. The processing of garri require some skill. The cassava root is uprooted from the soil, peeled, washed and grinded. Before now, the grinding of cassava was manually done. These days there are grinding machines which do it faster and more hygienic. When grinded, it is packed into a sack, tied with sticks in a compressing form to enable the water to drain out until it is dried. It is then sieved into a very damp grain ready for frying. A large iron flat pan is used to fry the damp form into dry garri.

In some cases, after it has been grinded, it is soacked into a bowl of water with the aid of special filtering bag, the starch is squeezed out of it before it is packed again to be tied with the sticks to completely remove the water before frying. The starch squeezed out is left to settle. Later the water is removed and the starch is collected raw. In making it into an edible starch, a small quantity is taken mixed with water into a small iron pan to be heated on fire as it is well turned until it is turned to the edible starch. Colour is added to it when mixing by adding a small quantity of palm oil.

In some other cases, the starch is squeezed out of the grinded cassava thoroughly and the chaff called ifoniya (kpokpogari) is got. It is fried and allowed to dry to be eaten or taken for sale.

Cassava is also used to make the edible fufu (egu). The process is that when the cassava tuber is pilled, it is soacked in water and left for some days to ferment. After few days, it is sieved and allowed to settle. At the end, the water is removed and the paste is packed into a sack for the water to drain out thoroughly.  The solid paste is then molded into some big bulb, put in a pot for boiling. In a little while it is removed in to a mortar to be beaten or pounded.  After the second round of boiling and pounding it is then turned into a food delicacy.

The turning of cassava to the various forms as mentioned above take some long process. All that can be got from the processed cassava make for good food that can either be eaten locally or processed for sale.

ROPE AND BASKET MAKING

The making of rope and basket are some of the occupation of the people that are facing extinction.

Ropes were made for local use and for sale. It was purposely made to fetch water from the local well and for the tying of the grinded cassava. Two factors are responsible for their going out of use. One is the fading out of the local well for pipe born water and another is the availability of the much stranger fibre rope that can easily be bought.

Basket (ekete/oyozi) which was made from cane and raffia rope has also been replaced with the plastic buckets and bowls.

POMADE MAKING

Pomade is locally made in Ovrode. The type of pomades are mostly two. There is the black type made from kernel and the other made from the coconut.

The black pomade is extracted from boiling the palm kernel. The kernel is first removed from the hard shell. They are put into a pot, better in an iron pot. A small quantity of water is added and the pot is put on fire. After much heating, a black liquid comes out of the kernel. When it is sufficiently heated, it is sieved out and the liquid is the pomade. This was the pomade for the people before the modern type of pomade was introduced. The people were also using this pomade to treat convulsion illness in children.

The coconut pomade is prepared with the same method except that it was regarded as more sophisticated and smooth than the kernel pomade.

BROOM AND BASKET MAKING

The palm tree is still useful in the making of broom and for the weaving of the basket. The fronds of the palm tree is cut and the leaves are removed from the midrib, a collection of which form the broom for sweeping

This type of broom is mainly used for internal house sweeping. The broom for sweeping the outside is the same midrib collected from the fronds of the palm wine tree. Other materials were some type of sticks cut from the bush. They are tied around the lower  part of a stick  while the upper part of the stick form the handle with which one hold as he sweeps the compound or ground.

There is also local brewing. The palm wine when taped could be used to brew the local gin called ogogoro. It is alcoholic like other industrial gin. It is said that at the boiling point certain herbs are added.

BLACK SMITHING AND FABRICATION

Some traces of black smithing can be found in Ovrode. Black smiting is the process where iron is heated until it turns red hot after which it is beaten into whichever shape the blacksmith desires. Local cutlass and knives are got from here. The hoe used to till the soil for farming is also manufactured from such local fabrication. Dane gun which was in vogue in the days past were also fabricated locally.

Bicycle repairing is another aspect of local industry in the area. Until about now that the motorcycle is all over the place; bicycle was the major means of fast movement of the people.

Tailoring is also seen in the area. This occupation has over the years undergone changes rapidly from the local made cloths to the present day sophisticated and well tailored cloths that can suit any kind of occasion.

It should be mentioned that as local as the industries are called, they produce not only for consumption but also for sale in and outside the town.

FOOD AND FEEDING

The food Ovrode people eat is not different from the rest part of Isoko people. All the food item as mentioned in this chapter and others make the food that the people of Ovrode eat.

In Ovrode, yam and plantain can be eaten. The cassava by products like garri, starch, fufu, and ifoniya are some of the good food of Ovrode people.

The cereals avialable for Ovrode people are rice, beans including the native beans (eza and iyezie) and groundnut.

They eat all kinds of animals and birds except that some few of such animals and birds are traditionally forbidden from being eaten. Some family of antelope (orua), is not a delicacy for the people’ of Ovrode. Bush fowl and all the families of snail are not among the food items. Cocoyam is not what makes the food of Ovrode man.

The common soup are those prepared with melon, palm nut (banga/amiedi), ogwo, olomudo, okenete (okro) etc.

Food preparation method has little variation from persons to persons while the items are similar.

In Ovrode, traces of native biscuit are observed. Biscuits such as ekpakene, ethetha, ekpoka are locally made for refreshment.

Today education and western civilization have brought other kinds of method of food and feeding to the people of Ovrode.

THE BUSH OF OVRODE

The agricultural activities, the occupation and the traditonal food of the people of Ovrode are carried out and got around the bushes of Ovrode. Except those who have gone out    of town to other distant places (okane)  to stay and carry  out their livelihood, all others do their farming in and around  the bushes of Ovrode.

The Ene-lye-owhe owned by the Owhe quarter people, UZOVU by Odhegu quarter, Ene-lye-osa owned by Osa street people are some of the bushes where the people of Ovrode carry out their farming activities. There are also; Aja bush, Etor bush, Ogbo-gbor, Aluo-Orie, Ugwerun, Owhe the-the, Anna-Idudu and Anagwe. Others are ato-ogbeza, onokwa, ogbogbo and many others. All the bushes provide the people of Ovrode all what is needed by an agrarian community like Ovrode.

Chapter Four

COMMUNITY ADMINISTRATION

Ovrode Community has passed through different stages of administration.  In this  chapter, therefore, the stages shall be treated in parts.  A real traditional system was in place before a foreign system was imposed and enforced by the British people. The period of military administration which covered the whole country was another. As at the time of this writing, another system has been introduced.

All the above systems or stages have one thing in common. That is that they all intended to provide for good governance that could bring peace, development and unity  to the people and to eliminate hostility, threat to peace and progress and rancor amongst the  people. Their difference has been the ideology in the minds of those who fashioned the different system in the various stages. In the minds of those people they were convinced as they were guided by the limitations of the knowledge of the people to be governed, that the system introduced by them was the best.

In political administration, the whole of Africa have been so unfortunate. Naturally, God created the world and gave to each segment and individuals according to the disposition they own.  It therefore means that such disposition only need to be developed and improved upon with the dynamic time. But whether the trauma that had befell the African continent in the area of the political administration is an act of God is a fragile and frightening issue to debate. The African people were created by God and provided them with all the essentials to take care of themselves. How and why was  the British people were just allowed to acquire and possess the whole region, regarded all their life style,  their food, their language, their government and the whole system of their life to be crude and not acceptable to nature and God, and decided   with the use of force to impose their system on the whole of Africa is a very vexed issue. 

The most painful aspect of it all is the inability on the part of the oppressed to identify his ordeal and  struggle for a self liberation of his God given  ideology, and his natural  system of life to enable him develop  and improve on it like some other regions of the world. Though that would be the expected case, it may be out of place to completely believe that there ought to be any body or region of this whole wide world that would solely rely on her God given way of life and grow on it without any element of interference or the infiltration of another ideology from another region. But all the same, every one would have been left to copy what he wants from his neighbour on his own will, so that stages of administration would better be on transition in form of development from one level to the other.

As mentioned above, the stages of administration Ovrode has gone through may be more understood as the pre-colonial era, the colonial era, the military era and the post-military or the present system of government.

THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF OVRODE PEOPLE

The age grade system which the people of Ovrode conventionally used for the day to day administration of the entire community was more pronounced, more recognized, more respected, more involving and more participatory in the old good days than what it is today. The age grade system is the one whereby the people of Ovrode are naturally segmented into the children, the youths, the iletu, the ekpako and the edio. Each of the segments or grade has its own function in the running of the town’s administration.

The children right from birth and up to the age of twelve form a satisfactory treasure of their parents, mostly mothers. The joy of parents from this unequal treasure give them happiness which psychologically keep them fit and give them a happy body and soul to make a happy living. The possession of a child, to the Ovrode man remains one if not the most important blessings from God.

Children between the ages of twelve and eighteen to twenty take part in domestic work. They clean the house, wash plates and sweep round the compound. The girls among them prepare the food and involve themselves in farm weeding, cassava preparation to its finished product and many more. The boys may also weed farm, till the soil, hook for fish, set traps for bush animals etc. Both boys and girls goes on a less tasking messages.  They involve themselves in moon light plays and folklore where stories about the community and some of the important personalities are told. This is the age where  the history and the culture of their town begin to be acquired.

From the age of eighteen to thirty, is the grade mostly referred to as youths. This is the beginning of a well organized grade. This is because in most cases, the youths of the town belong to one body. They would have their officials as those who would lead the body. It is their duty to keep the town clean, which is one of their important responsibilities. They assist the Itetu in effecting the compliance of the rules and regulations of the community. They collect levies from the people and hand it over to the appropriate authority.   

THE ILETU

From the grade of a youth, one transits to the grade of Oletu (one of the Iletu). This age grade is regarded to be one of the most important of all. They execute all regulations and make sure that every one obeys the law.

The oletu grade is the war lords of the community. In the event of any crises between Ovrode and another community, this is the grade that takes up the arms against any possible enemy.

The selection of Oletu is a well considered exercise. Each of the nine quarters of the town is represented by one able bodied man in the iletu council. But the selection of the head is almost always reserved for the edio council to make. Such a person must have some specified qualities. He must be an able bodied man. Since their age span from around thirty five to fifty five, the head whose tittle is Uzo-oletu, must fall within that range in age. The importance attached to this grade makes the Uzo-elutu exercise some air of pride and authority in the community.

This grade organised community meetings as required of them by the ekpako and or the edio council. They supervise the clearing of bush paths. They organised the services of community deities and take care of them and their environment. The Iletu grade see to the general security of the town and inform the edio and the whole town of any possible threat to peace. It is the duty of the iletu of Ovrode to maintain the sanctity  of  all the deities and all the bushes of Ovrode. Certain sacrifices are carried out by this grade. They pass information to any other organ as such organ is affected. The functions of this grade are so many and important that it attracts a high regard from all other organs.

THE EKPAKO

The ekpako grade is mostly made up of those who are old enough that could join the edio grade any time. They are the people between sixty five and seventy five years. Their role is mostly influential. They critically view issues and make recommendation to which ever organ or grade. This is the pressure and advisory group. They are less involved in the day to day running of the affairs of the town. Preparation to join the edio is made in this grade.

THE EDIO

The age of the grade of the odio  (edio, more than one odio) can start from seventy years under normal circumstances, and ends at the death of a member.  This grade is made up of the very oldest males of the town. The head is naturally and traditionally appointed. He is the eldest male of the community. He keeps the custom and the tradition of the town. He is the spiritual head  and leader of Ovrode to be assisted  by members of the edio council. This is the council where custom and tradition is interpreted and explained. It all means that by the traditional set up of various grades, before one attain the age of Odio (one of the edio) he should have got himself well familiar and well vast in the administrative  custom and the tradition of Ovrode people.

The role of this grade span from administrative to legislative and see to their execution. They play judicial role when they hear and decide cases as it affects individuals, two streets and between any one or group of persons and the entire community. They determine and approve the performance of sacrifices as it affects the entire town.

The Odio Ologbo is the head of this grade. His position is held in high esteem. He is the spiritual and the traditional father of the town. He stands in between the living and the departed ancestors. This also means that in the event of any alteration or change in any tradition and custom as laid down by the departed ancestors, once the Odio-Ologbo approved of the change, the ancestors will also well accept the change.

The social organization of Ovrode was well set up and on the age grade basis for the effective administration of the town. The women folk is not left out. The grade of the women were not so sharply segmented as those of the men. Women who were below the age of marriage were not playing any important role  in the age grade system. Married women who were less than the age of egweya were involved in town cleansing in form of sacrifice making. They would also urge their husbands to be active in their grade activities.

Egweya, though was supposed to be union of all the women, was mostly reserved for older women who were considered to be above fifty five.  They were in-charge of all issues relating to women. They handle issue of adultery and child abuse amongst women. Their leader who is the Uzo-egweya is the head of all women in the community. They are more concerned in the area of warding off what is considered to be evil spirit in the community.

The age grade system was well used for the good governance of Ovrode before the advent of the colonial rule. One of the cardinal advantage was that the act of administration of the town was known by virtually every body. This is because, every member  of the town start the study of leadership at an early age from one stage to the other as one leave one age grade to the other. This means that before one grows old to the age of odio, he would have undergone all the stages of administration of the town.

Before the coming of the white man, Ovrode people governed themselves using their traditional administrative organ. They handle the administrative, the legislative, the executive and the judicial aspect of their   life. They were very comfortable with their system. They were so used to their traditional design.

In terms of policy making, all grades would formulate their policy as considered appropriate. As it were, policy formulation starts from the grade of the youths. One thing was important in the age grade system. In so many areas, no grade operated in isolation. The youths were responsible to the iletu and to the edio. The iletu were responsible to the edio while the edio in so many areas were responsible to the whole town. It was a complete government of the people by the people and for the people. No grade or leadership segment was above the law. Even the Odio-Ologbo who was regarded to be the father of the people was not above the law. Chief Efe Ighede of Owhe street who was the Odio-Ologbo of Ovrode (1953-1955) was striped of the title and his position when he was found wanting during his reign. The Evo  (the symbol of sovereignty) was removed from him to Chief Ezuzu of Urevro and  he became the father of the town in 1956.

 As laws were formulated, and approved, it would be the duty of the iletu to communicate the law to the whole town; through the aid of Uko. On the part of the women, they would make their laws, inform the edio for approval and communicate same to the whole of the town using their woman uko. All the grades took part in administration, in the legislation and in the execution of the day-to-day needs of the town. They would make suggestions to which ever grade such suggestion suits.

The highest administrative and policy making organ was the egwa-afiede.  Egwa-afiede was a meeting of the whole community. The meeting involves all grades and the women folk. Egwa-afiede was called when an important issue that bothered the town is observed. Issues such as inter community wars, deciding on what line of action to take in times of plague and for major decisions to be taken in terms of other important issues would make the meeting to be called. Any decision taken was approved on the spot and communicated again to the town through the iletu who would ask the uko or the community messenger to announce to every body. All information are communicated to the entire people through the use of a gong which when struck would draw the attention of the people to listen to an announcement. Ovrode from the days of foundation has got their administrative system which was not too different from the rest of Isoko people. It must be noted that the sovereignty of Ovrode begins from foundation. Therefore, not until the coming of the white man when all traditional administrative system was so influenced in all Isoko land, the people of Ovrode derived their authority from within.

THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM

There was the judicial council organized by the villagers for themselves. This council was made up of the representatives of the organs of the town. But in practice, the edio, the Ekpako and the iletu were mostly involved. The council of the edio had its otota who was referred to as the otota (oteme) of the community. The council too had the head of the iletu who happens to be the war Lord and the Chief Law officer as a very important member. This village council was the legislative, the executive and the judicial body of Ovrode. It decides any case brought to it by a complainant. It is important to point out here that, Ovrode as a community, carry out the judicial functions all on her own. The council when handling her judicial function act as a body of first and final jurisdictions. Appeal was never taken to any other body, either to any council jointly set up by Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode, as all were not and have never been one town nor to Owhe the last place Ovime left to found Ovrode.

The laws with which they operated in their judicial functions were purely laws formulated, laid down and left behind by the ancestors of Ovrode. They were all known by every body. As one grows he should have been told of the laws of the community by his parents or elders of his family circle which have been so absorbed into the oral code of conduct of the people.

The Ovrode society was less complex. Committing a crime was less common. Crimes which were highly hated were those of murder, assault, adulatory and stealing. They were all against individuals. There was also crime against the community as a whole such as the entering of a bush for any activity when it was not allowed by the entire community. The penalty of each of the cases was different. While crime against an individual when handled attracts a fine, the one against the community was considered to have affronted both the departed ancestors. The offender in this case in addition to any other punishment would be made to propitiate the village ancestors and gods.

Depending on the type of offence, that which involve two members of the same family was handled by the family members headed by the most eldest male of the family. In difficult issue where resolution fail to be reached, the issue was taken further to a sitting of the whole street (quarter) members who may be extended family members. In the event of no resolution, the case  would go to the village  council where a final decision is taken. At this level, the offender if he is found guilty would be told as such and which ever penalty  attached would  be told to him. To decide the judgement and the penalty,  the otota and few others would  enter the inner chambers, after taken the hearing from  both  sides, to consider their judgement. At the end the otota would announce the decision of the council and whichever fine imposed. The guilty party had no choice but to comply, failure which may result to the ostracising of the guilty person.

The above method of adjudication also applied to cases involving two people from different families and between two streets.

In case of stealing or an argument between two people in which case doubt was involved, traditional procedures were in place to prove or ascertain the truth or otherwise. There was the eta, a traditional method of knowing the truth. In the eta case, the lobe of the ear was daubed with a medicine. A needle is then trust on it. If the needle penetrates easily, it means that one is innocent. If the needle did not pass through, it indicates guilt. The tongue was some times used. This system was also used to identify witches and wizards. At a later date, the water of Eni lake at Uzere was used. Whoever was guilty, after drinking the water would die. Identified dangerous people of that nature were removed from the town and sold to other far tribes.

Thieves sometimes when caught were given instant justice, without  taking them for any judgment before any body.

This was the system in Ovrode before the British people introduced their system of government. Even after the introduction, the people of Ovrode, as they were so used to their local system never found it so easy to adjust to the new system. Village council was still used to a large extent in handling their cases.

Even to this day the Egwa-afiede is considered as one of the highest decision making body of Ovrode.

THE BRITISH RULE

The British rule that was introduced into the country in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries succeeded in tempering with the already established traditional administration of Ovrode. When the British came, it was primarily for the expansion of their trade. In the process they met with a culture that was too different from their own. What they did was to subdue the natives with their military might. That was followed with a very frightening ideology that Christianity was the only acceptable religion of

God, with the Christian philosophy of an abundant life some where after death for only those who stop killing and the doing of evil. The natives quickly gave up their already established custom and adopted that of the British.

In 1904, Captain Wally and Mr. Wordsworth in the mist of the fearce resistance that was put up by Isoko people visited Ozoro, passed through Ovrode to Ofagbe. Seeing what the culture of the people look like, they convinced their home government that the Isoko people were engaged in trial by ordeal, of suspected traditional law offenders. It was said earlier in this chapter that heinous offenders like murders and thieves were seriously punished. The British engaged in that propaganda to ask for more military forces to enter the hinterland and subdue the natives. Ironically, the British who invaded the region believed that the killing of criminals by the native was crime before the laws of Britain and the laws of God, but these were the people who came to another man’s land, subdued them, burnt their homes, captured some, killed some, took away their God gifted resources, forced their culture on them, ruled and lord over them after forcing them to abandon their traditional culture. They (the British) never believed that their action was immoral, wicked and against the laws of the Almighty God. The natives later saw it  that the crime committed by the British against them were more heinous. They were regarded as  thieves, and killers. If they had, had their way, the punishment of the British officials would be more severe and more ordeal. The natives never engaged in trial by ordeal as propagated by the British. Rather they punished an offender after he was tried and found guilty. Reparation should now be demanded from the British.

In 1909 and 1910 so many Isoko towns were visited by the British representatives to make them realize that the government had decided to put a stop to the harsh punishment an identified offenders were subjected to. In fact they came harder on them

that the trial of any offender was no longer their duty but the duty of a constituted court by the British authority. Their courts according to them would try cases, prevent crime and to maintain law and order.

With the above development, the British system of government was firmly established. They took over the legislative, the executive and the judicial functions of the area including Ovrode. The village council of elders ceased to function effectively. The age grade system in the village was no longer very useful in the administrative processes of the village. What the British did to pacify the natives was that when clan councils were established by them, they included some natives as members. At a time Ovrode even including Ellu and Aradhe were grouped with Owhe clan and their authority were transferred to Owhe clan council. By 1934, Ovrode agitated and a village group council was established for Ovrode including Ughelli and Otha. Odio Erimi who was the Odio-Ologbo of Ovrode was the President of Ovrode Village Group Council. In that same year Erikevo took over as the Odio-Ologbo of Ovrode and the President of Ovrode village group council. One John Ikorogume whose father was from Emevo and his mother from Ovrode was the court clerk. All other traditional tittles were members of the group council, while few of them constituted the court members.

The proliferation of courts as a result of each village constituting a village group council was viewed with some concern and this later saw the fusion of village council.  This was the period when the group council of Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode were grouped and administered as one clan the “Owhe Clan” and the system of the clan council was well established and operated in form of Local Authorities.

MISSIONARY’S ENTRY

The coming of the missionary work to Ovrode was a gradual process. As it were the Church Missionary Society came to Isoko before any other which also made the C.M.S church to come to Ovrode before the Roman Catholic Church, and any other church.

No much interest was taken on Isoko nation by Roman Catholic Church which first came to Ozoro in 1918 with a spill over to Ovrode to establish the Saint Ambrose Catholic Church.

The entry of the missionaries into Ovrode was not an easy task for the people. When it was started, they traditionally met with the natives who resisted their association. The few converts also made the expansion difficult. They preached the destruction of shrines and other emblems of the people’s religion. They also refused to participate in carrying out their civic responsibilities such as clearing parts and roads on the ground that such roads lead to one “juju” or the other, as reported by Obaro Ikime.

People like Mr. Uduodhe Olokor of Osalubi who first introduced Catholicism into Ovrode fought for membership through all means. The fight yielded some good results because the two earlier sects had some good number of converts most especially when life after death was their main focus of preaching. The two sects had their headquarters at Ozoro, though the C.M.S headquarters is now at Oleh.

In case of the Catholic Church (R.C.M) which came from Aragba in the first  instance was headed by Mr. Olokor who was the first teacher while George Epele and others were good members. The first Parish priest then was Rev. Father Kurth.

Another set of Christian sect was the Apostolic Church which came to Ovrode in the early sixties. First members were Mr. Akibe who was the leader, though dominated by women like Enuraimuo Ogora and Madam Obemajo of Osa Street.

Of late there are so many Christian sects in Ovrode. There is the Watch Tower and Tracks society (Jehovah Witness), the Assemblies of God Church and many more. Churches in Ovrode have been so proliferated to the extent that their struggling for converts among the population of Ovrode made the membership of each set to be so few.

MODERN ADMINISTRATION

EARLY HISTORY OF UNIONISM IN OVRODE

Before the colonial era, when Ovrode has not been encapsulated along with other ethnic groups in one country as Nigeria, the Ovrode traditional administration was autonomous. But when the British fully established their system of administration, they tried to involve the natives to administer their various areas. They were made to report to the district officer who was overseeing a large area.

During the period under consideration, Ovrode was reporting to Ughelli and later to Oleh until the time of the country’s independence. 

A system that took the form of indirect rule was put in place. In 1960,  Ogbodo Olokor was made a chief to oversee the town. He was the head Chief. He was assisted by other subordinates. Their function was primarily to see to the maintenance of Law and Order in the town. In case of any government official coming into the town, the place of call was the house of the head Chief. Meetings were held in his house. It was a very difficult and demanding task for him. In that regard, Chief Ogbodo Olokor’s close family members were all at alert to see that he succeeded in his task.

Prior to the above, the opening up of the town has started. Barrister B.O. Olokor’s early education in Burutu and Warri where he had contact with the white man and, his vocation as a paramedical officer made him to be enlightened.

He launched a campaign for the opening up of the town by cutting down the big trees in the town. Late Silk Ovemeso must be remembered as he fearlessly braved the felling of so many trees that were hitherto traditionally revered or regarded to be sacred.  That unity for the purpose of developing the town became more prominent after Nigeria Independence.

In 1961, a Secondary Modern School that was established in the town by the Catholic Mission and a combined effort of the town people saw a further need for a united force. And in 1961, there emerged the need of uniting the people together for the purpose of self development.

UNIONISM

Unionism in Ovrode is known to have actually started before the mid 1950’s. The first union which was known as COMMITTEE, was formed in 1953. This union was born out of the fact that Ellu started claiming superior political relationship in the development of and cordial relationship between Ovrode, Ellu and Aradhe. The chairman of that committee was Agbanomove Ogbereha and the secretary was Daniel Ukeke Ataiku. It faded out after about 3 years due to lack of sustained effort.   Few people in Ovrode were involved. The earlier effort made by Barrister B.O. Olokor tends to cover the three communities of Ovrode, Ellu and Aradhe. He tried to organize meetings that would cover the whole area. The pioneering secretary of that early effort, Micheal Ulueme Osie with the encouragement and support of Barrister Olokor made personal contacts with the few enlightened people of the area. It is not out of place to mention that less interest was there in the minds of those who would have been charged with the responsibility of such organization. The reason may be that the people of that level lived outside the town. Therefore it was really difficult for such ideas to flow from one to the other. That does not mean that they were not patriotic but gathering the forces that were in Diaspora was the problem.

The little force that was available to the natives who were residing in the town was put into play. The congress meeting which was called Egwa-afiede was intensified, but the primary objective of that meeting was not for any modern development. Rather it was to shape the moral standard or conduct of the people for the better. It actually fell short of a modern town union.

However, the better part of the little idea which was opened to the natives was put into some proper use

THE STRUGGLE FOR DEVELOPMENT

In 1961, the struggle for a real modern union began. It  was necessitated by he establishment of a Secondary  Modern School that was approved for Ovrode through the gallant efforts of two illustrious Sons of Ovrode, late Louis A. Agbanobi who was a tutor at Nana College ( A Teacher Training College) at Warri, and late Peter E. Ebedi who was a principal at Immaculate Conception College ( A Secondary School) in Benin City.

It could be recalled that the neighbouring Community of Ellu, believe that the Secondary Modern School was supposed to be sited at Ellu. The argument that ensured was to result to confrontation, as the people of Ellu hijacked the first teacher, one Mr. Daferede of Ibrede, to start the school  at Ellu. When the Catholic Mission at Ozoro re-ordered the school to Ovrode, Ellu people took offence. The force that was to be used by the people of Ellu met with that of Ovrode  mid way between the two towns.

On a second thought, the two towns resolved on their various sides that the age long established relationship between Ovrode and Ellu could not be compromised on the alter of a mere Secondary Modern School. On their self advice, both went back to their various towns, as No Victor No Vanquished.

The people of Ovrode danced back home and to the house of their community leader, Chief Ogbodo Olokor to report to him the No Victor -No Vanquish position of both towns. There and then, a union was formed in the ceremony that was held in Chief Ogbodo Olokor’s house. Late Akpomuozor of Odhegu street was appointed as the chairman of the union. Messrs James Odivri and Agwaleza Ogbo both of blessed memory  were, appointed as the secretary and the treasurer respectively.

Two major events were achieved from that blessed peaceful resolution. One was the formation of a modern unionism. The second was the establishment of St. Jude Secondary Modern School.

Even though B.O. Olokor left for a law study abroad in 1960 the idea of a modern union among the people was not plaid down. Before his return in August 1965, a well organised union was already in place.

Louis A. Agbanobi, who was a tutor at Nana College in Warri, P.E. Ebedi, John Ekoso Edu, Ogbodo Olokor, Agwaleza, Ojenimah Olokor, Ataibuno Agose, Samson Ekareya Okpor, Hillary Onomiwo, all of blessed memory, Chief Josiah T. Omovevah, Chief Johnson Enwonode, Hon. Anthony O. Agose and some few others formed the bulk that erected the pillar that supported a new beginning for a modern union for Ovrode.

About two years later, Mr. Akpomuozor was succeeded by Hillary Onomiwo, as chairman due to old age. This position was held up to 1966 by Hilary Onomiwo before Samson Ekareya Okpor took over, Hon. Anthony Agose was the secretary. Late Mr. Peter Anamobodo took over the chairmanship after the demise of Mr. Ekareya in 1968. Hon. Anthony O. Agose took over in 1971. It must be recalled that at this time, the highest office of the union was the office of the chairman when it was constituted, it was charged with the responsibility amongst others to see that all other traditional organs such as the Iletus, the Egweya the youth and even the edio carry out their various functions as it was required of them traditionally.

CREATION OF NEW OFFICE FOR THE UNION

By 1971 when Chief Josiah Omovevah took over the chairmanship from Hon. Anthony O. Agose, a new office of a president and vice president were created for the union. Barrister B.O.  Olokor and Hon. Anthony Agose became the first President and the first Vice President respectively with late Simeon Ataribu as secretary. Issues that were above the resolution of the traditional organs were taken to the union for handling. The exception perhaps were those related to land and ritual rites which was purely for the Edio and that of women was for the Egweya. Still, any appeal could be taken to the union. Meetings were held in the chairman’s house until 1974 when a Union Hall was built in the present location of the town hall.

The change of the nomenclature of the head of the union was based on the fact that in the scheme of things outside Ovrode, a President of a community union was more regarded and respected. And it was true that in that period, the movement to government offices and community head meetings were reserved and handled by Presidents. The office of the chairman was still retained alongside with other offices.   While it was resolved that the office of the President could be occupied by any qualified person, no matter where he resides within the country, that of the Chairman and his Vice were reserved for qualified persons who were resident in Ovrode for the day to day running of the community’s affairs. 

In 1969, Mr. U.J. Edor (late) returned from his oversea studies and became an active member of the union. Late Professor Raymond Agbanobi (as a doctor then) also became an active member in 1978. All these figures made the union to be a worthy union of sort.

As said above, the full participation of the elites of that period put a modern dimension in the union. People were elected to occupy offices such as the President and his Vice, Secretary and his Assistance, the chairman and his vice, the financial Secretary and his Assistant, the Treasurer and the Provost.

The union of Ovrode, which was called Ovrode Progressive Union (OPU) applied democratic principles in her operations. One of such principles was the limitation of the term of office of the elected officials. A period of three years was fixed for the tenure of an incumbent executive. A re-election was allowed but stipulated that no officer is allowed to hold office for more than two tenures. 

Ovrode Progressive union hold her annual meeting called Annual  Conference once in a year at the end of every year.

It should be recalled that in the last half of 1980’s there was a complaint to the effect that movements during the December month was difficult.  In addition to some other reasons the period of the conference was changed to the period of Easter. Again, with the wave of Christian awareness, the complaint against that period became much more serious. The period was again reversed to the month of December in 1989, which  again was changed to the period of Easter in December 2012.

THE EMERGENCE OF OVRODE CONSTITUTION

The union, which predates the constitution for over 30 years was functioning under general rules and regulations. As the community progressed, there arose the need to have a written constitution. A constitution drafting committee was therefore set up in 1988 under the leadership of Barrister B. O. Olokor. A committee of five persons which was set up had Chief J.T. Omovevah as chairman while Sylvester O. Olokor served as the secretary. The draft was ready under the leadership of Deacon U.J. Edor and it was approved and printed when late Francis Ekaka was the President of the union. History was made in 1991 when a constitution was approved for the union for the very first time. Change, being a dynamic way of life as a result of urbanization of our hitherto simple society has led to the third review of Ovrode constitution. It is unfortunate that inspite of these provisional reviews, only very few of it’s provisions are implemented over the years. These are dissolution of a house or executive, election of new officers and revenue allocation formular. Any other provisions are deliberately ignored.

MEMBERSHIP/MEETINGS OF THE UNION

The union has as members all indigenes of Ovrode by birth. It is open to all Ovrode sons and daughters of age and of Ovrode descent, provided one or both parents are Ovrode indigenes. It is an obligation that any village or community where there are up to five Ovrode people, meetings should be held in the name of the town. With the above arrangement, the union has so many branches in the country.

All the union’s branch meetings in other cities of Nigeria and abroad are held monthly. Other crucial meetings in the life of the union that is given prominence in the community are the Executive Committee, the Central Planning Committee and the Annual General Conference meetings.

THE BIRTH OF OVRODE DEVELOPMENT UNION

In the course of making the constitution, the president, late Francis Ekaka explained to the town the need for a change of the present nomenclature of the union from Ovrode Progressive Union in 1991. Having considered the present political dynamism in Nigeria, the birth of modern political structure known as “OVRODE DEVELOPMENT UNION” became imperative.

The emergence of ODU as a strategic political structure of administration is to maintain Ovrode economic and social needs including her integrity and political survival.

It is the means of creating and maintaining our  society’s distinct character and political sovereignty. It is a mechanism for organizing, controlling and identifying  our society needs as it relates to government establishment and other quasi political   institutions or structures.

The ODU, whose principal function is to mobilize members of the community to undertake development initiatives, derives her powers from the people. The structure and function of indigenous government and politics in modern times even in other Isoko towns now co-exist with the Traditional Administration. While the ODU is the political arm of administration in Ovrode, the Odio-Ologbo in council still retains her spiritual and traditional functions till date. In effect, the native or traditional administration has not been completely jettisoned as the political affinities between both continues synergically till date.

OFFICERS OF THE UNION

The Executive Committee or the Executive Council officers of the union are elected for a duration of three years for the smooth and efficient running of the affairs of the community as earlier stated.

THE OFFICES ARE:

1. The President General
2. The Vice President
3. The Chairman
4. The Vice Chairman
5. The Secretary General
6. The Assistant Secretary General
7. The Treasurer
8. The Financial Secretary
9. The Assistant Financial Secretary
10. The Publicity Secretary/PRO
11. The Porter or Provost
12. The Legal Adviser
13. The Town Crier/Information Disseminator
14. Ex-officio Members
15. The Youth Committee

Although the duties of the officers are not listed in this book, it is important to note that the President is the Administrative / Executive Head of the union. He occupies the highest Administrative chair of the union, presides and directs the affairs of the union. He shall not be less than 35 years of age and must be well informed educationally, politically, socially and administratively.

THE ROLE OF THE UNION EXECUTIVE

The main function of the union Executive as earlier stated is to work towards the provision of social amenities to the community and also defend and protect the political interest, the integrity and sovereignty of Ovrode. It is the duty of the Executive committee to influence and attract development to the community. They initiate economic and political policies by making every Ovrode sons and daughters to understand and accept identified community needs and generously raise funds to meet the financial requirement of the community. They are to develop several sources of revenue to generate funds to run the affairs of the community. They are to liaise and influence Government and her agencies including corporate organizations of the country in the development of Ovrode. The independence and the territorial integrity of Ovrode town must be upheld by the union Executive and also fight against any invasion or any agent of disintegration with whatever means provided such action does not breach the peace.

Every Ovrode sons and daughters should be made to have a deep sense of belonging, peaceful, patriotic and believe in the Ovrode vision for hardwork to attain the economic, political and social objective of the community by the union.

The union Executive also upholds and preserves the customs and cultural heritage of the community. All other organs in the traditional administration in Ovrode remain intact till date and the ODU Executive is duly bound to work with all in harmony as sub-committees under the leadership of the ODU Executive presided over by the president. All organs or committees except the Odio-Ologbo are responsible to the president of the community.

THE YOUTH ORGAN/COMMITTEE

The youth, being the bulwark of the community is an essential organ of the ODU.

They are however, responsible to the union’s president or the community chairman. They draw out a standing order that spells out their rules and regulations. Such standing order is however subject to the approval of the executive committee and must not contradict any part or provision of the community’s constitution.

The principal functions of the youth committee include:

• Protection of all forms of agricultural crops and livestocks of the community.
• To enhance the sanitary condition of the whole community.
• To assist in collection of any form of internal levy or tax that affects members of the community.  This function is however subject to agreed method of collection with the community chairman.
• Like every other organ they are also to defend the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ovrode community at all times.

CENTRAL PLANNING COMMITTEE (C.P.C)

To make the union more result oriented, in 1973, a committee of a permanent structure was inaugurated. That is the Central Planning Committee. This committee was charged with the responsibility of physical programming and project planning. Membership was limited to few elites and leaders of thought of the community.

They would map out projects, discuss the needs of the town, look at the execution strategies and make recommendations to the community during the Annual General Conference. It is an umbrella body of the union which meets in every first quarter of the year.

Any major decision taken in this meeting is however regulated and subject to legislative and parliamentary powers of the Annual General Conference of the community. But it is unfortunate to mention that today, the central planning committee which is still in place has completely lost its bearing over time. It is now almost open to everybody and now handled like a mini-conference. Its objective and vision is now being abandoned.  In the opinion of this writer, C.P.C should be made more meaningful by reviewing the structure from equal representation from quarters and organs. It should be limited to policy making and project planning only.

When the Central Planning Committee (CPC) was set up, it was meant to be rotated from Branch to Branch. The head of the union heads the committee and had all his executive as members with a separate CPC Secretary. In 2005, it was resolved that moving the CPC from branch to branch should stop. Uptil this time of writing, the CPC is held only at Ovrode in the community town hall. The town hall which was reconstructed in 1988/1989 is large enough to accommodate both the CPC and the Annual General Conference meetings at various times such meetings are held.

ANNUAL GENERAL CONFERENCE (A.G.C.)

The Annual General Conference of the community (now annual delegate conference) is held once a year  (formarly December now March/April). This is the most important meeting of the community and the union. It is a meeting for stock-taking and rendering of account and stewardship of the union’s Executive. It is a meeting for performance review and evaluation where far-reaching decisions are taken by the community. Participation in this meeting is by delegates. Equal number of delegates come from each quarter. Others are delegates from the union branches and delegated leaders of thought of the community within and outside.   Delegated representatives of all the organs are also participants in this crucial meeting. The Legislative and Parliamentary Power of the community is vested in this meeting. A mini-conference or emergency conference is also summoned by the Secretary-General within the year depending on prevailing events in consultation with the president and the Odio-Ologbo. All conferences are held in Ovrode Development Union secretariat, which is the Community Town Hall. A notice of Annual Conference shall be sent to all branches of the union and delegates by the Secretary General after a date has been fixed by the Executive Committee. A quorum of the AGC/Mini-Conference or branch meetings including emergency meetings is deemed to have been formed when two third of the Executive members are present and one third of expected members for the meeting are present.

All legislative and parliamentary decisions taken in all the conferences are binding on all members of the community 

INFORMATION – SOURCES AND DISSEMINATION

The modern means of sourcing and disseminating information in Ovrode is not much different from the traditional communication system earlier stated.

However, the advancement in information technology has greatly improved the sources and dissemination of information in Ovrode. The posting of letters through Ovrode Post Office and the circulation of letters  and information through couriers, and the mass media like radio and television has helped in this regard. The modern information super-high way through telecommunication system has also brought sources of information to the door steps of Ovrode people.

It must however be noted that the traditional method of sourcing and disseminating information through the market place and the town crier still remain important in the affairs of the community.

THE TOWN CRIER

The town crier is the official information disseminator of the community. The place of the town crier is very important in Ovrode modern and traditional channel of communication.

He is recognized by the people and his message transcends every segment of the community.  There is an Assistant Town crier who is a female. The town crier is usually appointed by the Edio Council and the Executive Committee of the union while the female town crier is appointed by the Egweya Council and referred to the Council of Edio and the Executive Committee for approval.

CARE-TAKER COMMITTEE

In 1995, the leadership of Late F. Ekaka and his Executive ended. Election was conducted by Mr. S.E. Eture and Hon. Fred Ikpawona won the office of the President. Surprisingly, the Osa Street people objected to his victory. They said that they saw no reason why only the people from Ovime quarters (owhe street) would always be the president of the community and to that effect, the whole of Osa Street people staged a walkout. The election was then suspended. Mr. S.E. Eture in  consultation with the Edio Council set up a care-taker committee.  Chief Johnson  Enwonode of Evro Street was appointed the Care-taker committee chairman while Sir P.O.A. Imoniathor of Osa Street  was the secretary.

From 1961 when the present union was set up to 1995 when the above argument came up, the union has had eleven leaders. While the first six were called chairman before 1971 when the office of a president was created, all in addition to the five presidents that ruled between 1971 to 1995 were all heads of the union. Out of the eleven, four were from Owhe Street, they were; Late Hillary Onomiwo, Barrister B.O. Olokor, Prof. R.A. Agbanobi, and Late F.O. Ekaka.

The rest seven leaders were from other quarters as follows: Late Akpomuozor from Odhegu Street, Late Samson Ekareya Okpor from Evro Street, Late Ataibuno Agose from Osalubi Street, Late Peter Ighouzo Anamobodo from Odhegu Street, Hon. A.O. Agose from Osalubi Street, Late John Ekoso Edu from Evro Street, and Late U.J. Edor from Ogu Street. The above last two paragraphs invalidated the claim of Osa street  people.

Though, Osa Street people may have a point leading to their protest, we must not forget that all the seven past leaders before that time of 1995 were meritoriously and democratically elected. No street was denied from producing a candidate to compete for any office.  During the setting up of the care-taker committee, it was to stay in office for only one year, 1996. This means that in December of 1996, elections should be held.

ROTATIONAL ADMINISTRATION

During the one year rule of the care-taker committee, the Osa Street people suggested a system where all the Streets or quarters of the community should be allowed to enjoy the office of the president of the community in turn. A committee was set up to that effect and was headed by Barrister B.O. Olokor. On their recommendation, the committee averred that a system of rotation should be put in place, and that the rotation should affect the office of the president and the chairman of the community. They went further to say that any of the Streets who have not produced a President and a Chairman should be allowed to produce a candidate for those positions. The recommendations was accepted by the community. Rotational leadership was then put in place while merit was sacrificed. Quality and effective leadership since then has been affected.

The election that followed in December of 1996, Engr. Edwin Abobise emerged as the president (1996-1999). He is from Osa street. In the subsequent tenure of three years each, like Engr. Edwin Abobise, Mr. Oghene Omavuezi from Egbahe Street (1999 -2002),  Hon. A.O. Agose from Osalubi street, though later resigned for his deputy, Mr. Michael Igbuku from Osa street (2002 – 2006), – tenure made longer with the issue of Odio-Ologbo), Elder Isaiah Akibe from Useh Street (2006-2009), Felix Onawakpokpo from Odhegu street (2009 – 2013), tenure extended to provide for a change of conference period), and Barrister Joseph Owede from Okpa street (2013 –    ), all became the product of rotation through the use of a deformed democratic process.

            In the Annual Conference of 2011, a motion was moved for the abolition of the system of rotation, although Okpa Street was yet to take her turn. The upholding of the motion resulted from two factors. One was that there was no objection or counter motion from Okpa Street people. The second was that all the other Streets have enjoyed their turn, therefore, there could be nobody to raise a counter motion. Surprisingly at the end of the tenure of Chief Felix Onowakpokpo in April, 2013, which would have resulted in independent candidates contesting for the post of President in accordance with the 2011 resolution, the people of Okpa street came up to say that they had resolved that they must

take their turn of the Presidency before the final cancellation of the rotational system.

After much debates in what was to result to some level of arguments, some leaders of thought of the community after deliberating on the issue, advised and convinced the whole house that for the interest of peace, Okpa Street should be allowed to take their turn in the office of the President. In the process, Barrister Joseph Owede of Okpa Street without any other candidate to contest with became the President of Ovrode Development Union in April, 2013. During this era of rotation, it was very clear that the quality of the candidates some streets were bringing forward to occupy the office of the president fall short of the personality required for that office, as there were no condition a candidate should fulfill before he was allowed to occupy the seat.

THE MODERN UNION: – THE BENEFITS SO FAR AND THE WAY   FORWARD

Ovrode Development Union has come of age. The emergence of this union has changed the people politically, economically and administratively in terms of comparative history. It will be out of place to say nothing has been achieved.

The effect and the benefits in the life of every Ovrode person is invaluable. Such effect and benefits include amongst others.

1. Orderliness of people’s behaviour. That is shaping and reshaping of people’s way of life.
2. United force to attract projects. They are on ground for us to see.
3. The emergence and development of patriots and creative minded people.
4. The generation of close relationship among community members.
5. The general and pulling of resources together for common projects.
6. Progressive competition among quarters and Streets.
7. General Development of the community which  include  but not limited to:

–           The establishment of pipe born water and secondary grammar school as Championed by Late professor R. O. Agbanobi.

–           Tarring of the streets and community roads and drains as championed – by S.E Eture

–           Producing community representatives in the Government.

• Attracting Government activities  to the grass root
• Community buildings
• Joint struggle for political identification and emancipation 
• Building close ties  with neighbouring communities
• Electricity as championed by Hon. Fred Ikpawona
• Steady growth in economic and commercial activities
• Vigorous  pursuit of political activities
• Above  all, a joint struggle for SOVEREIGN identity

The union has every Ovrode person as members. Therefore shying away from active participation is an enslavement of ones conscience. No indigene of Ovrode has another community he or she could call his or her home. Wherever one resides, it is obligatory that you contribute your quota to the building and development of the community. Therefore, all hands should be on deck to build an egalitarian society where peace, progress and respect for one another, thrives. The era of strife and hatred, jealousy, rancour, unpatriotic and vindictive attitude should be put behind us in Ovrode.

Chapter Five 

RELIGION

In the traditional setting of all African nations, religion occupies a recognized position in the life of the people. Before the advent of the religion that spread from the Middle East; Christianity and Islam, with Christianity more in the southern part of Nigeria including Ovrode, the existence of the Almighty God was well recognized, honoured and served by the people of Ovrode.

Knowing the existence of the Supreme Being and serving Him in Ovrode and other part of Isoko has been a controversial topic among   the people. Some people believe that although the people knew of the existence of God, they were not serving Him as required by the principle of Christian religion. According to the group, as long as they never knew Jesus Christ, who according to the Christian belief, reaching God must be through him, they were therefore not serving God. In the book of John 14:6, Jesus said, “I am the way the truth and the life; No one comes to the father except through me.” .They argued that as long as what they referred to as God was being reached or served through varying method from people to people, from community to community and from tribe to tribe or region to region, the God they claimed to have known was not one and the same. Therefore that can’t have been the Almighty God. The temptation to lean towards the above argument rest on the fact that the spread of Christianity and Islam from the middle East to this part of the world is rapidly and solidly gaining real ground as it is being  embraced by the people. Ironically, as much as the traditional religion is condemned, Christianity and Islam keep on claiming God’s acceptability over one another. While Christians claim their origin from Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God, Islam claim that God, through Prophet Muhammad has declared Christianity to be religion of the past that has been replaced by Islam. Thousand and one person now leaves their former method of worshipping God to embrace either Christianity or Islam. The ability of these two most popular religion to capture converts depends on the faith and the preaching power of the already existing members.

Up till this period, the people of Ovrode have not lost any of their son or daughter to the Muslim religion.  The reason may not be other than the early arrival of Christianity to the town. Even now that Islam has been heard of, its practice and some of the teachings seems contradictory to our already existing traditional belief.  Islamic teaching believe on the “crushing of infidels” a tenet  that  is so contrary to the Christian teaching that souls should be won through preaching with a high regard to human life – “thou shall not kill (Matthew 5:21).

The traditional religion of the people of Ovrode have the teachings similar to Christian teachings in so many respects. There has been the belief on the Almighty God in their own way while they implemented the tenets of the commandments of God. Though the methodology has been traditional, but not in Biblical form, their operation has been spiritual. Such ideology has from time make the people of Ovrode to keep far from “immorality, impurity, licentiousness, idolatry, sorcery, hatred, rivalry, jealousy, outbursts of fury, act of selfishness, dissensions, factions, occasions of envy, drinking bouts, orgies and the like (Galatians 5:19-21).

While Ovrode traditional religion abhor all of the above, adherence to the commandments of the Almighty God as presented by the Bible has been in force before the advent of Christianity to the community. That being so, there has been an argument that idolatry has been in practice among some people of Ovrode while others believe that idolatry as presented in the Bible is different from the passage through idols to God by the people. While there is no space in this chapter for that debate, the laws as contained in the ten commandments of God are wholly imbibed in the custom and the tradition of Ovrode people. There has only been some modifications with the introduction of Christianity which confirm the teachings of Jesus Christ that he never came to condemn the already existing laws of the people but to modify them. There has been a noticeable, though minor variations in the understanding of Christianity among Christians; including those in Ovrode. The Christians in Isoko and indeed in Ovrode have not truly brought their minds to bear on their faith which is why they engage in a total condemnation of Isoko traditional religion. Because of the method the Christian religion was introduced to them, no faith was left with them to study another religion even that which has long been their traditional religion. This is a situation that denied them the basic concept of their faith. The Christian revolution of late have even tended to believe without questioning that anything tradition is related to the devil such that the Isoko and indeed the Ovrode children are almost coming to believe that speaking their  native mother tongue  leave one to  be very close to the devil.

The same variation in their understanding and the development of an ambiguous faith tallies with the difficulties in the explanation of some traditional concept of the Ovrode people. The tradition of Ovrode believe on reincarnation.  The near to reality of its occurrence made all to accept it until very recently. This belief on “Life after death” is when a person dies, it is said to come to life again through a child when born carries some features of the dead person. The new born child may indicate to the parents through sickness, unnecessary cry and some other abnormal   display when on observation or when found out may result to the fact that the dead person came to life again through a new parent. The strange behaviour of the new born will stop as soon as the name of the dead person is pronounced on him/her. This phenomenon look so real though, but to the Christian belief, it is equated to the intervention and the handiwork of the devil.

Certain events really look difficult to explain. A pregnant woman who  received a whip that put a sour mark on her forehead, discovered that the baby she gave birth to in less than two weeks of her receiving the sour mark also carried the sour mark on that position on the forehead of her baby.

The interpretation of some Christians of any kind of mysteries outside the Bible and in the traditional circle is believed to be of devil origin. In the same vein, misfortunes or death outside the Christian circle is queried and attributed the cause to one’s non involvement with Jesus Christ. But if such same misfortune befell a Christian, it is almost always associated with joy as the interpretation especially in the case of death would be that the decease was taken by God to avoid his committing further sin.

The tradition of Ovrode religion has it that all events of that nature has its origin from God, and that if it originates from the devil, its effect is always negative.

The method of worshipping God which the Ovrode early man adopted was influenced by the environment into which he found himself.  It was not that he refused to serve God through the true method. His level of awareness was most responsible. No body told him the spiritual nature of God. He was aware that there is God  the Supreme Being who created him. He never believed or demonstrated that he was created by another god. But where is that Being and how does He look like remain his puzzle, except that he could point his hand up to indicate that God is above.  That proved his monotheism. The idea that God who created him is in everywhere, in his environment even in him was not known to him. He believed that his demand in form of prayer could reach God by passing it through an item. That there was the Son of God was not known to him as Jesus Christ the Son of God was not told to him.

The Ovrode early man may not be held responsible for his limited knowledge on how the Almighty God could be served.  As he died in that state his spirit may have to wait for the last day   of God judgment after resurrection when all nations shall gather for the court to be seated and the books to be opened for the resurrected, to give account on the day of   judgment beginning with those who died in Christ to rise first, for the acquitance or condemnation for each and every one’s disposition while on earth. (cf: I Thessalonians; 4:6, Daniel; 7:10, Matthew; 12:35-37 and 25:31-32).                  

He worshipped God. His method is what matters here. He used the native chalk, bird, animal and even humans in some cases. He made sacrifices to the devil which also mean that he recognized the existence of the devil; and the wicked ones. So to him what he was doing was not serving the devil or serving another god. This situation remains until he was made to know that some form of his worship had to be modified. A general acceptable method of worship was put in place. Certain antisocial behaviour were left behind and replaced with love of one another ranging, from keeping clear from stealing to murder. All were incorporated into their religion. What was left was how to find a replacement to the items through which they passed their prayers to God. To that, the foreign religion when it was introduced tagged as idols and referred to them as idol worshippers; which to this day jeopardized all their believe in God. The Igbe religion when it was introduced suffered the same faith, a situation that seriously tempered with Ovrode traditional religion to this day.

The most popular traditional religion in Ovrode is the Igbe religion. It is so described because it was the first religion that some what draw a seemingly crowd together into a central place of worship.

Before the coming or the introduction of Igbe religion what was commonly known as the religion of the people was the one that was mostly individually practiced. Although the knowledge of the existence of God was among them, method of calling on God and the act of worshipping God was based on individual concept.

It is not very easy to explain how the people of Ovrode of old knew that there was the existence of a Being, which they referred to as Oghene (God). Two sources could be looked into when considering that.

Before Ovime left Benin, the concept of God, what was said to have created the human being was already known through the racial interplay in the great Benin Kingdom. Again before Ovime founded Ovrode, so many Isoko clans have been founded and the language of Isoko was already in place. Therefore it was not too difficult for Ovime to adopt the already existing name of “Oghene” to mean the supreme Being. The only difficult thing that was not harmonized was the type of recognition and the method of worship that was required of the people. Since that was open to individuals, each and every one designed his method as it best suit him. This therefore led to different method of worship, which was why, the first traditional religion was based on individual concept. Again that concept fail to visualize the form the said Supreme Being took. Therefore it was left to individuals to represent Him with all kinds of items ranging from a prepared human looking idols to even live trees. They were then passing their devine request through it to God. Most importantly was how to built up their faith in God to accept that the much talked about God  is the owner of the  universe,  all that is contained in the world including himself. To built up that faith and belief was no less a task as the extent of the world was not known or clear to them. Their representation of God with those items, to them was the be all and the end all of the much talked about God. This crude method of worshipping God earned them the name of idol worshippers.

The people of Ovrode had individual method in the light of the above. People installed what could be called Images  in  the form of carving and moulding. Some believed in the equatic spirit, some in big trees while some on their ancestors. To all these, they offer sacrifices, regard and respect. They danced to appease them.  Food was prepared in their honour. They were eulogized and praised. They believed that all those were acts of praising God. That practice continued until another form was introduced. One thing was very obvious of the religion. Some of their belief and their method of services were less popular and perhaps not very acceptable. In some cases, sacrifices with human was carried out which again made it to be more condemned when other forms of religion were introduced. The later religion had a better advantage than the first traditional religion in that apart from attracting people together, all the people worship in one place – one hall. The advantage was an exchange of ideas, the identification of bad practices and the preaching of their stoppage. And so when the Igbe religion was introduced, it gradually tend to erode the first kind of traditional religion where by every body was to himself and God was for us all.

Although the introduction of Igbe religion did not erode the first method automatically, it brought a lot of changes as though both were operated side by side until the coming of Christianity in the early nineteenth century to Ovrode. Christianity on its own saw both the first two to be of the same ideology and condemn them out-rightly.

In Ovrode therefore apart from the first type that was not popular, the Igbe seems to occupy the position of the first traditional religion of the people of Ovrode. The erose (traditional arbitrator) and the “Eqwere” were still very individual.

IGBE

This is the most common traditional religion in Ovrode. It has been in existence right from when it was introduced from the Urhobo town of Kokori. Igbe religion is established by individual persons which draw attention of others so converted to become members. But in most cases it was started by a person who is imbued with the power of clairvoyance to enable him or her tell the future, drive off the devil and the witches from whoever is attacked and the power to cure the sick. This point to the fact that the devil, its angels and its bad work on people and environment has been recognized traditionally and the need and the power to keep it off people and the environment has also long been in practice.

A person endowed with that power and ability stands in a better position to start Igbe religion. The effectiveness of his performance is a factor in membership recruitment force. He will then be the leader, be he a man or woman.

Igbe house is always half walled.  Their symbolic colour is white, signifying purity of members and their activities. The white colour also stands as a direct opposite of the devil which all religion recognized as black and agent of darkness. The hall is painted white. The dressing of members is white clothes. It is either white blouse on white wrapper or white gown. The women who uses head-ties must be white clothe.

The hall is divided into three sections. There is the alter for the leader who is the Chief Priest. That is where the instrument of service like the native chalk is consecrated. That is the Holy part of the hall. Members are not allowed to go into that section. The native chalk (ore) which is one of the most principal and holy instruments of the Igbe is kept there.  Members are given the native chalk from there as the ‘eucharist’ which they can put into their mouth, rub into their body and to be taken home. It is for purification and for the repulsion of evil spirit from and around their environment. Non member is not allowed to take or even handle the purified native chalk.

The rest part of the hall is segmented into two. One side is where the men sits led by the head man called Olori and the other is for the women led by the head woman called Oni-Igbe Each and everyone of the members have their own bench or chair which they permanently maintain for their sitting. Even sitting positions are almost always maintained.

The alter is decorated with a wide bench of about 1¹/₂ meter long and about ¾ meter wide. It is well dressed with white clothe on which the Chief Priest sits to officiate. In the same vein, all members dress their seat with a piece of white clothe on which they sit.

In the days past when houses including Igbe worshipping house was built of mud, the wall of Igbe house was scrubbed with white clay soil until now that they are painted with white paint as the houses are now made of cement blocks and plastered with cement.

Their mode of worship is more of dancing to the tune of an iron gung, supported occasionally with small bands. The band for the regular dancing during worship is made of hollow wood well carved. It is round, of about 10mm radius with a length of about 20mm. The Igbe song is constructed with the lyric to praise God, to usher in peace, blessing, long life and prosperity to their lives.

One other important instrument of the Igbe religion is a hand fan. The fan is made from a dried skin of an animal (animal leather).  It is constructed round with a rib of a stick protruded out for a firm grip. As the music goes on, the fan (ethuthu) is held in one hand as it is used to whip the other palm sycronizingly with the beating of the iron gungs and the band while the song goes on. One unique thing among Igbe religion is that members claim to have been thought their songs in their dreams. As they wake at the dawn of the day, they will go to the Ogwa to relate the song which will then be learn and known by all members.

As it is the most cardinal principle of the Igbe religion to save life, to wade off the evil spirit and for the members to avoid doing any thing that is bad, they are obliged to confess their sins to their Chief Priest (cf: John  20:21-23) and pray for forgiveness. The Chief Priest will then make the sinner to observe some penance before a prayer for forgiveness is offered with him, and that is after he has promised ever not to commit such a sin again. Ironically, just like every other religion, such confession, the penance and the prayer hardly deter member from committing further sins, neither will all sins be confessed by some heinous sinners. In the process, the Chief priest will use his “purified” fan to whip the chest down to his belly and his back. He will then be given native chalk to lick.

Service days are usually on native holy days (Uje). Service begins as from about 1400 hours and lasts about 18000 hours. During the service period, music and songs are used to praise God. Evil spirits are casted out of attacked members. Sacrifices are performed and purifications are made.

Apart from the normal service, almost every morning, short worship are carried out by any member who is chanced to go for that. It is called “Ohwofa”. It takes the form of a dance procession as they whip the right leg with the leather hand fan from the Igbe house to a little distance outside and back.  It is done up to seven times.  At the end, native chalks are distributed to attendants before closing.

The hand fans are well protected. Any member who feels that his fan is not well protected in his home, leave it hanging on the hall.  Nails are put on the wall for each fan to be hung with the ability to recognize each and individual fans.

IGBE HARVEST/FESTIVAL

Once a year the Igbe organizes a festival or what can be better called harvest. The Igbe harvest is organized once in twelve months.

A committee headed by the Chief Priest is set up to discuss, fix the date, determine the extent and see to the success of the festival. People are invited, amongst who are other Igbe organizations, the mother Igbe, the subsidiary,   dignitaries and the general public. At present, invitation cards are printed and distributed to the invitees.

Before the date of the ceremony, donations are made by all members in form of cash but more of food items; yams, plantain, starch, pepper, goat, chicken and the like. On the day of the ceremony, all members are well dressed on their clean white attire.  The Chief Priest full with clairvoyance spirit lead the ceremony.

Sacrifices are made. Food is cooked and shared for people to eat. In most cases, the Igbe hall will be too small for the crowd. People are made to sit outside under a shed prepared with palm frunds or for now canopies are erected to shade the invitees.

In the case of every harvest all invited guest and members alike present their gifts or made donations in form of cash to the celebrant. The proceeds of the harvest is used for the development of the organization and the maintenance and the up keep of the officials mostly the Chief Priest.

It is a common practice that members who dream relate it to the Chief Priest during service periods or at his convenient time. The Chief Priest, believed to possess the power to interpret dreams will explain what the dream may mean and advise accordingly.

In the Igbe tradition, the power to deliver a person from the attack of the evil spirit and to cure the sick is not a total monopoly of the Chief Priest. As it is in the Igbe custom, members grow spiritually to be able to perform certain rites, especially when they should have grown, developed and acquire the ability of clairvoyance. It is also through such spiritual growth that members are chosen to occupy some posts like “oni–Igbe” who may be next to the “Uku” as the Chief priest is called with other appellation the Uku may choose to be called. Some are appelled oni-emo, obo-ame, Oruere-akpo, etc. (ie; the mother of children, water doctor, the repairer of the world).

Apart from the Uku and the Oni-Igbe, any other member, during celebrations should have spiritually observed a spell that could attack a member and what could be the prevention or the cure to an evil attack of a member. He will then explain what he observe prophetically,  to the affected member. What is difficult to explain here is the fact that such clairvoyance become real or such prophetic cure to some negative attacks become effective.

It is equally not easy here to explain the close relationship between Igbe and  water. In almost all cases of Igbe, a place beside the water, either a river, a big lake or the like is prepared for their visit at regular intervals. Such a place is called “Igbe-ame”. Almost always, though not on every service day, they would go to Igbe-ame. As they go, they will take along consumables like plantain, yam, mineral drink and some other things, which may be thrown into the water as sacrifice to the spiritual god of the water. One of the features of the Igbe-Ame is small shelf (agbada) of about one metre and half high on which is placed some consumables and the mineral drink.

In their close relationship, water is not alone. Mineral water and the candle are good instruments of worship by the Igbe people. Candles are always light, in some cases are let to burn all night. Mineral drink is mixed with water and other evil spirit wading leaves for patients to bath with.

UWOU-ERE

Uwou-ere is a small apartment or room where native chalks are stored after purchase. It is a consecrated room for the storage of the chalks. It is from there the chalks are taken to the Ogwa for use. It is a believe that when the chalks are bought they remain impure until they have been so blessed by the Chief Priest and kept in the consecrated room where they are made more pure.

The “uwou ere” or “ukpe ere” as it could also be called is the store for the native chalks. The sacred nature of the room prohibit all members except the Olori and the Chief  Priest  from entering into it.

The major source of supply of chalk to the room and the entire Igbe is when members buy as may be requested of him when some work is done on him or he may buy on his volution as part of his gift to the Igbe. Which ever source the chalk came, it receive the blessing of the Chief Priest before it is kept in the said store.

EROSE

This is a deity or an instrument that determine the facts in an argument. It points out the truth in and absurd argument. Erose-ewho (community erose)  checks fraud, lies, stealing, dishonesty and brings out the truth and the facts in a case. The spirit behind the effectiveness of the Erose is beyond explanation, but it has, to the knowledge of everybody, determine the truth in arguments, expose thieves and dishonest people and prevent people from committing fraud.

Its power of preventing people from committing sin rest on the fact that the resultant effect of any sinner is death.

Erose is slightly different from Igbe. The house of Erose is smaller than the Ogwah of Igbe. This is probably because the house of Erose only provide for a small space for the sitting of the Chief Priest. All other members sits outside. Its services is once in the traditional week which is almost in “egwo”.

A smaller size of native chalk of about 10 millimeters long and 1¹/₂ millimeters radius is commonly used during the service. Some of the chalks are left in the shrine to be imbued spiritually for a better effect. Incantation is the major language of the Chief Priest to the erose. Praises are always showered on the erose. It is always told the reason of its existence.

The formation of erose and its form depends on the owner or the maker. It would take the forms of a cane  like sticks of up to fifteen in number, tied together with cowries woven in a rope and tied round one end of the bundle of the sticks. A pieces of white cloth may be tied round that same end, depending on the owner.

Members are required to keep off any form of bad bahaviour as such is regarded as contravention to the spirit of erose. Non adherence to the tenets of erose may lead to his/her death.

If two people or group of people are engaged in an argument which require finding out the truth, they may be required to take an oath before the erose. In a period, the one on the wrong side may be affected by the erose. Though it may take some time before a proof  is got, it has not got the  patience the western religion takes. In which case the proof of the truth comes much faster.

If a person’s property is stolen, he may be forced to swear to erose which may in no distant feature affect the thief. The person who secretly   took the property  may fall sick and he will swell in the process, a situation that may make people to suspect of the   sick being affected by erose. He will be asked to reveal or confess what he has done.

If he confesses out what he has committed,  the erose may be served for him and he will be well. If he refuses to confess what he has done, he may die. In such a situation, his surviving relations may serve the erose or another person close to the dead evil doer may also die. Such will go on until the erose is served.

Some people use the erose to keep off thieves from their properties or their farms. The erose (a native chalk from the shrine) is kept very openly on the property to be so watched. In such a case, any body who remove a part or whole of the property without the knowledge of the owner is affected. The erose acts as a watch dog to a property or farm.

If a person dies and he is suspected to have died through erose, the corps is taken to the evil forest for burial. Not until the erose is served, a formal and acceptable burial is not carried out on the dead person.

EMERGENCE OF CHRISTIANITY

Christianity has always being referred to as a foreign religion. This is because, Christianity did not take its origin from Africa.

In Ovrode, the practice of religion has being on before Christianity was introduced to the people. One thing could be made clear here. Religion is faith and worship. It only goes further to explain as to whether it is the belief in and worship of God or gods. It is one thing to argue as to whether the faith of and worship by Ovrode people before the coming of Christianity was to God or to gods. The purpose of this chapter is not to argue as to whether the people of Ovrode were worshipping God or gods before Christianity was introduced. Suffice it to say that while the interpretation of God or gods depends on more than one factor, which the people of Ovrode knew, recognizing and honouring God has never been in doubt. There has been a local name for God (Oghene) and a Local name for a lesser (god) which has always been called (emusu). The ‘emema’ has been used to represent the being to which they owe some allegiance. The name ‘edho’ has always mean the devil. So “emema” may not mean edho or the devil.

The introduction of Christianity to Ovrode has not been different from how the history of Christianity to Nigeria presented it.

In the early nineteenth century the Church Missionary Society (CMS) first found its way to Ovrode while missionaries put up some spirited effort to win the native into Christianity.

In about the same time the Catholic Missionaries came with the introduction of Catholic faith. Efforts were put up to explain to prospective converts that their faith got more God ordination, stating that  the head of their set was the representative of Jesus Christ who handed over His spirited power as the only son of God successively  to the present head of the Catholic Church world wide.

The above two different sets of Christian churches  and the African Church which never stood the test of time were in Ovrode until just before the country got her independence. About that time, the community began to witness the introduction of many other Christian religious sets.

The Christ Apostolic Church was introduced after which many more new churches with aggressive method of evangelism started springing up.  The harvesting of souls and the winning of converts were vigorously pursued. The introduction of the new Generation Christian churches has been charismatically Africanized such that many people now love their method of worship more than the early Orthodox churches. Ovrode is presently recording over ten different sets of Christian churches, a situation that has seriously affected the number of members of each set considering the population of the people living in Ovrode.

Today no evidence of membership of the Islamic religion has been noticed in Ovrode. But the fact that some Isoko people are now being converted into Islam is a pointer that the possibility of Islam having membership in Ovrode, perhaps in the near future may not be ruled out.

INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY ON THE CUSTOM AND THE TRADITION OF OVRODE PEOPLE

Christianity brought in the western civilization and the present modern way of life. Christianity brought in education up to the act of reading and writing.  The influence of that on the people of Ovrode is so great that if even such may not be exhaustive here and now, it may be well said that Ovrode gained positively from Christianity and education and terribly loose culturally to Christianity.  

It is a known fact that some sacrifices that were previously offered were in-human. As to whether the God they were worshipping was the Supreme Being is still another area that may require some discuss. But that Christianity has shaped the lives of Ovrode people cannot be debated. It has affected the lives of Christians and non Christians alike. This can be said because, the truism in some traditional laws that fall in line with some Christian laws become more openly real to the people and the effort to strictly keep to them was intensified. Today some acts and behaviours that were not known and not regarded to be crude are now known to be bad. They are all now left behind. Today almost all Ovrode people are turning to be Christians in their ways and dealings.

EDUCATION

This is another positive influence and change Christianity has brought to the people of Ovrode. Christianity first came to Ovrode and later education.  The first primary school established in Ovrode is the present Ebe (St. Ambrose Catholic) primary school in 1947. Pupils were registered into the school. That remove the burden of pupils walking long distance to Ashake to attend primary school. That mark the beginning of a proper act of reading and writing in Ovrode.

As soon as people were able to know how to read and write, the act of modern civilization was opened up. Illiteracy was gradually becoming eradicated.  Now both old and young people of Ovrode have gained awareness that what is now left is a complete or total ability of nearly everybody to know how to read and write. Today all modern facilities to live a good life are found in Ovrode. There can be found all forms of media, telephone and even the computer. All these are the gain of education that was brought about by Christianity. Transportation has been made easy. Nutritious food are now introduced and the act of modern medicine are now in practice. Ovrode is properly at home with the world as a global village.

INFLUENCE ON OUR CUSTOM

It is openly observed that Ovrode has lost some of her old cultural values to the introduction of western religion and civilization. This is so because the western culture is known to be so attractive that Africans seems to have a soft spot for it. Still, their culture and religion is so aggressive that ours quickly give way to theirs.

For example western religion allows a sinner a long period of time, (it could be until death naturally), to repent. In the process or such length of time, more sins  could be committed. The western religion still has it that sins could be confessed, penance observed and forgiveness granted, a situation or a condition that has really not been practically proved.

The custom of the village setting has no patience for wicked characters. This is that judgment is taken very quickly and sanction awarded fast. As a result, sanctity occupied a greater part of people’s lives in the days when Christianity was less prevalent.

Today the commitment of sin is the order  of the day with the belief that after sin is committed, confession  could be made according to the Christian tenet    for a possible forgiveness of whatever  sin committed. They would confess their sins. Ironically, people have no faith on why confession is made. They would confess their sin after which another round of commitment of sin begins. Decency is now a thing of the past and a way is now opened for fraud, corruption, avarice, hatred and minds for hardened criminality.

Our traditional values which should have been so developed culturally was made to give way to foreign customs. The result is that the effort we would have put into the development of our medicine, fabrication, government and administration  to the advantage of humanity were all declared to be crude and closely related to the devil because the skin colour of the African man is dark (black) a colour to which the devil is associated with.  Even today many people, out of little minds have started seeing something wrong with our Isoko language which is now withering away at a very fast rate. Parents no longer want their children to understand and speak Isoko language. Speaking Isoko in the presence of such children or people is an aberration.

The considered cultural sin here is that if even the disadvantages of a total give up of our valued custom and the loss of our identity is fast becoming clearer to us, we are still too weak to liberate ourselves for the revival of our lost cultural glory.

For the purpose of this writing which is the primary objective of this book, it should be sounded as a warning to the people of Ovrode, the Isoko people, our country Nigeria  and the rest of Africa that it is now time for self identification especially in the area of medicine, fabrication, language, legal, education and more importantly  government so that  we can culturally develop ourselves in technology  in African medicine and most importantly in our political leadership.  This writer pleads passionately to Ovrode people to be so involved in the propagation of Isoko language and indeed Ovrode custom and culture.

TRADITIONAL MEDICINE

In Ovrode, the act of medical practice has long been in place. The average Ovrode man believe that every herb, plant and their roots is medicinal. Before the introduction of what can be called modern medicine, diseases were prevented, treated and cured with the usage of the mixture of local herbs, plants and their roots. Local medicine prepared from local roots, herbs and stems of plants were used to treat all kinds of sickness, ranging from mere sore to much complicated asthma and hypertension.  The people who were involved in that act of medical practice are those referred to these days as native doctors.

Acquiring the knowledge of a native doctor goes beyond one form. There are those who got the inspiration from their dreams. Others by training or buy the act with some money. In that case the knowledge is passed from one person to the other. One may know some types of herbs that when mixed together and applied into a sick person, can cure the sickness. He may then show it to another person. In this method the original owner of the medicine after showing it to another person how the herb is prepared and how it is used, would pack some grains of dry sand in to your palm as a sign of the power being extended to you.  You may hence do it effectively. Knowledge could also be passed from father to son as one of the most valuable family inheritance. Physiotherapy or massaging is a very good example. All these methods provide for continuity or the retention of the knowledge. In most cases more than one kind of herbs could be collected, prepared into a mixture to cure a disease. The dispensation may be either the grinded mixture is mixed with water to rub the affected part or for drinking. The mixture is always put in a mortar and pounded with a pistol until it becomes a paste before usage. In some cases, the mixture, or the herbs untreated or even in the stem form are put into a bottle of ogogoro for drinking. Sometimes too, the mixture is used to rub some slight cut of the affected parts of the body.

One thing is obvious in traditional medicine. If even they are not prepared and tested in the laboratory like the modern day medicine, the efficacy is observed. What may be said here is that like the traditional medicine, the modern day medicine that takes the form of tablets and liquid are all prepared from herb and plant roots. Those from chemicals are still traceable to the same source. The difference is that the traditional medicine is considered not to be very hygienically prepared.

Unfortunately, no consideration was given to the study of the civilization mixed with the modern day religion before we embraced them. That has resulted in introducing a big doubt in the curative power of our traditional medicine which is now almost equated to an act of juju serving. For some time now the use of traditional medicine is rapidly going out of the culture of Ovrode people. This writer is of the opinion that if the act is revived and developed it can still be of immense advantage to the people.

The depth of our traditional medicine goes beyond the curing of disease. The remote control power of the traditional medicine is beyond explanation. A mixture when prepared, can be directed to a far distance to perform a function. What of the rain doctors? With the usage of the traditional medicine, rainfall can be caused or prevented from raining. Some minor ailment can be cured by mere using some shrubs to whip the whole body and the ailment vanishes (omavoro) in other cases renunciation (enuvie) inform of ablution works wonder.

 One of the principal reasons why people now want to keep away from the traditional medicine is that almost all require the addition of the native chalk. Native chalk happens to be one of the natural resources that is got from the soil. How the native chalk out of the natural resources became so associated with the devil is yet to give any convincing explanation except that all native doctors are ignorantly regarded as agents of the devil. From the above, it become so ironical that people refuses to take the traditional medicine but can take laboratory prepared tablets, capsules and or liquid bottled medicines. Their reason is not the hygienic or unhygienic preparation that follows them, but because one is considered traditional and the other is oyibo own. This situation has gone so deep in some people that they will chose to die rather than being cured of their sickness with the administration of the traditional medicine.

 In very recent times people have started calling for the revival of the traditional medicine. If even not in all its ramifications, it has started with the awakening of the preventive aspect. It has become so obvious, as it has been tested and proved by so many people especially the youths and the able bodied men that the prevention power of the traditional medicine is so high.

With some recent intra and inter community fights which has involved the usage of such weapons as cutlasses and gun, the fighters have observed that their usage  of the cutlass and the gun preventive traditional medicine, their body is made so impervious to cutlass cut and gun shot, something they have not  been able to acquire with oyibo  medicine. People are now gradually turning to their former faith on the traditional medicine. In no distant future the traditional medicine may gain more recognition. The Egba deity song of mero-no-owo-igbunu, igbunu-ko-arato-igbunu will be the song of every man in any life threatening battle whereby the enemy may see a hill instead of seeing Ovrode son. The only difficulty this about turn may suffer is that the negligence has been so long that the knowledge of the traditional medicine has suffered a terrible loss with the death of so many people who were so deep in their knowledge.

But obviously with an unshaken faith, the same method of acquisition will surely set in and with time the preparation and the application will be made less crude and it will become more acceptable to the people.

Chapter Six

DEITIES AND FESTIVALS

INTRODUCTION:

Religion and festival have been and remain a universal phenomenon. Their extent and their importance varies from place to place and from region to region of the world.

While deity is closely related to religion as it has some divine status, festival has generally been regarded as a social ceremony, either to commemorate an event or for the preservation of existing culture.

Before the advent of Christianity or Islam, deity occupies a prominent position in the lives of so many nations. The Jews, the Greeks, the Indians and indeed the Africans recognized their deities as a symbol of their various religion.

Deity was held high, respected, regarded and served, because it was a general belief that the Almighty God could also be reached through such Deities.

In our community, Ovrode, the situation was not different. There has been more than one Deity instituted for various purposes. This goes down to mean that apart from passing their general prayers through the deities to God, and the demand of their blessings through those same Deities, there were some special issues that goes through only some Deities meant for that special areas.

Evo for example has the major purpose of uniting the extended family and to check immorality and corruption amongst family members. Egba and Ozagbidi deities have sole purposes of providing victory during ethnic and inter communal wars. Otor and Okpure are with the powers of wielding off evil spirits. Egbo was meant to prevent wicked spirit from going close to a family compound. Erose is purely for arbitration. Egwereh is for hunting and killing of bush animals while Ebe is believed to possess aquatic spirit.

With the coming of Christianity, Deity was reduced to a mere symbol of the   devil. In the same vein, their importance and their recognition were drastically not only reduced but associating oneself with them make one to be classified as an agent of the devil. The interpretation of Deity in the coming of Christianity was, to the mind of this writer equated to the devil itself.

Ovrode is now experiencing Christian revolution such that to a large extent what was regarded as the good traditional values of our people are now largely attributed to the devil provision.

Apart from the deities, the festivals of Ovrode people which were annual and or colourful ceremonies are presently termed to be ceremonies aimed at glorifying the devil.

Before now, festivals, like the Ukwata, which the people of Ovrode were organizing annually and even the Egba festival, were reminders and a practical means of preserving the colourful custom and the tradition of Ovrode people.

When Christianity was introduced, the teachings were accepted by the people because it totally condemned some antisocial behaviour which ordinarily and with a common reasoning the people also saw them to be bad. It was said that prior to this period, to appease some of the deities, humans were used as sacrifices. Certain condemnable by some culture, like twin babies that were regarded as taboos could ordinarily may not be regarded as good enough. Therefore, it was not difficult for Christianity to be more preferred, most especially as it provides a cover to some nefarious people when prosecuting and punishing a sinner was to a large extent prolonged until after death.

In Ovrode as much as the deities have been so neglected, it has not failed to usher in another side of an effect. The fear as to whether EROSE will kill or caught up with a thief is drastically reduced. Immorality no longer have limits. Fear to do a bad thing is no more in the minds of so many people. But in all it has no doubt, open up people to know of a more better life after death depending on one’s faith and will to accept the divine doctrine.

In Ovrode, therefore, there are the deities such as, Evo, Egba, Ozagbidi, Otor, Okpure, Erose –ewho (ipo), Ebe lake, Ukwata, Oru, Eworo and Egbo.

EVO

The Evo (evo is more than one ovo) is a symbol representing the spirit of our departed ancestors. In the life of the Ovrode man, the Evo stands as a symbol of his sovereignty. Identifying the Evo circle one belongs shows that one knows his family and that, one is not a slave.

If a man dies, and given a traditional burial with all the ceremonies as custom demands, a particular kind of stick is collected. It is a dried stick of about one foot in length. The spirit of the dead is invoked into it and kept within the family circle.

It is traditionally believed  that with the spirit of the dead invoked into the Evo, it means that the death still lives with the living in the spirit form.

Every family circle has her own Evo. The members of a family linked or tied to one Evo is not with out a limit. In most cases  above eight cousins may no long be regarded as belonging to one family.

Ovrode and indeed other communities in Isoko nation live the life of extended family, unlike the western world where extended family is understood to mean the acceptance of wider and heavy responsibility, which make what is defined as a family to mean husband, wife and their children.

In Ovrode, sex between a man and a woman is never allowed amongst people who are still regarded as members of one or the same family. (cf, Leviticus 18:1-30).

Though corruption in a wilder term is recognized to be bad, its level of unacceptability is more within one family. One is not allowed to embezzle  the money of a family member. Marriage is not allowed between man and woman of the same family. All these and many more are what the Evo is meant to check. The Evo also do not allow a wife married into a family to be involved in extramarital affairs. A breach of any of the above is always associated with an unpleasant result.

As mentioned above, one of such sticks represents one dead person. Ironically custom has it that only the male member of a particular family is so represented. That of a woman is kept privately by her children, and in most cases by the eldest daughter of the late mother.

The limitation of the members that make the recognized extended family, limit the number of the sticks that may make the bunch of the family Evo. If that is not done and therefore the family is limitless, it will be followed with the implication of too large a buntch of the sticks and which may  introduce  problems in arranging for matrimony.

The family Evo is in the custody of the most elderly male member of the family. He serves them. He stands between the spirit of the departed and the rest members of the family who are still alive. He is in custody of the laws that are allowed and those not allowed within the family. That gives him the exclusive right of granting pardon before the Evo, to any family member who commit any offence against the family. For example, if two minors – boy and a girl, are involved in casual sex, and revealed, the eldest man would appease the Evo to forgive the involved after which he will whip them with the broom before they consider themselves pardoned.

In the case of all other offenses, he will serve for the offender and declared them pardoned before the Evo. Unless such is done by the man, any offender stands the risk of dying.

It is pertinent to mention one salient thing  with the family as it relate to the Evo and the most elderly man of the family who is generally referred to as the father of the family.

If any member hunts and kill any animal except that in the family of rabbit, when slaughtered, the head, one hand and a part of the ribs of the animal are for the family. Those parts are taken to the father of the family who will thereafter invite other members of the family who may be within reach together, cook and consume the gift before the Evo.

The parading of an adulterous wife can only be done after the woman has made public before the family who and who was involved.  The woman will be fined, pardoned after a damage has been claimed from the man who was involved.

The family Evo also check the minds of the wicked within a family. Any member of the family including wives who did any harm or intends to do harm to any member is quickly hunted by the Evo. This is why in some cases the Evo is washed and the water may be given to suspected family members to drink either to stop them from doing any harm to one another, especially wives or to prove who inflict any harm to the other.

One of the implication of the father of the family is that he is not allowed to perform any forgiveness services of the Evo to affected member of the family on his own without the knowledge or the presence of other family members. He is paid with death if he does that. Again if any family member impersonate the father of the family, he stands the risk of dying. Unless of course, in a distant town far from home, any senior or elderly member of the family can stand in for the father of the family. To this end the Evo can rightly be described as a symbol of purity, faithfulness, sincerity and morality.

The service to the Evo is done once in a year. Yam, plantain and a big dried fish are used to prepare a delicious food with which the Evo is served. The service is a collective responsibility of the whole family members who are present at the time. After the service, the food is shared amongst all members including some invited guests, mostly people of the same street or quarter with the family.

In each year the family Evo is served before the street Evo is served. In the same way the street Evo is served before the community Evo is served.

It should be emphasized  here that the evo of the street (quarter) and that of the entire community does not make the whole street or the entire community to be one nucleus family. They  are more importantly for the tracing of genealogical  lineage of one street (quarter) and that of the whole community. They indicate the independence of one street from the other and the sovereign in dependence of the community from another community in addition to the checking of deviant behaviour of the street and the community people.

As mentioned above the Evo only represents the spirit of departed males of the family, the street and the community as the case may be.

The reason may be because either the daughters of the family are no longer considered as full-fledged members of the family which also applied to wives married into the family or as a result of their gender.

The spirit of the departed woman though represented by Ovo, it is always kept and served by the eldest daughter of the late woman. Equally well, a dried mud fish with yam or the yam in a pounded form is used for the services. The food could be eaten by any of the late woman’s children who is around, be he male or female. More often than not, the spirit of the deceased, through the dreams of her living children demand to be fed or served.

STREET EVO

All the nine streets in Ovrode keep their various street Evo. The composition of the quarter (street) Evo is for each family that make up the street to contribute from each and every of the families a representation of their family Evo to make the street Evo.

The most elderly male of the street keep and serve the Evo. The street Evo has the primary purpose of uniting and knowing the limit and the human boundary of the street. This is because it is believed that people who make for one street are more or less the descendents of one genealogical parents, except that they should have been so extended over the years to have undergone fragmentation into more than one immediate family. At that level of family segregation, certain family bonds are relaxed and limited to each segments of the separated families. Relationships become so distance that marriage at such very far distant cousin from different separated families and different Evo may begin to be allowed.

It is always there that no matter the number of fragmented families in a street, they uphold the same ideology, defend the same common course for the purpose of retaining a certain level of genealogical relationship.

In serving the street Evo, all the families in the street unite together and provide all what will be required for the services. As Christianity abound, if the most elderly man may, out of his belief and faith, not accept the Evo, the next elderly male could take it up.

THE COMMUNITY EVO

The community Evo is the highest symbol of sovereignty of the community. The making of this category of Evo is the joint responsibility of the whole town. Ovrode has one common Evo. It is always in the custody of the most elderly male indigene of the community.  It should be emphasized here that the only qualification to custody this Evo is that, one must be the oldest male and must be indigene. He must not be a stranger settler. This qualification has some spiritual implications, which is that it is not contestable. Social status is never considered. If one struggles for the post when age did not qualify one to occupy it, the result is the death of the contestant.

The practice has been that, as a result of the size and the population of the community, seniority identification has not been difficult if even the level of education never provided for birth dates to be recorded.  The improved level of education has closed the seniority arguments that should have resulted from scattered birth place. This is because recording dates of birth has eased seniority identification.

Till date the official title of the holder of the office is the Odio-Ologbo. The non- monarchical nature of the administration of Ovrode explain why Ovrode has no king. The adoption of a republican system and the paramount rulership by the   people of Ovrode run contrary to the monarchical system of the great Benin Kingdom to which Ovrode claimed ancestral relationship. This may be because the founder of Ovrode knew the implication of a monarchical authoritarian ruling system and decided to adopt another type, probably the type that existed in his last place of sojourn, Owhe.

The Odio-Ologbo is the traditional administrative head of Ovrode. He is the father of the town. He is the custodian of the custom and the tradition of Ovrode. He stands between the living and the spirit of Ovrode departed fathers. The authority and or the power to change or to altar any Ovrode custom rests on him. He is the equivalent of the Ovie (king) of a town. He assume and command such respect.

The Odio-Ologbo of Ovrode rotates from person to person depending on who is the eldest male in the town. This practice has been on from when the Odio-Ologbo institution was put in place. The founding advantage of the people of Owhe Street which also make them the senior amongst the nine Streets was in 2005 almost                                                assumed another dimension. When the Odio-Ologbo, Osiobe Udezi died in 2002. Mr. Godwin Acharive Osiobe’s three years regency expired in mid 2005. The title and the Evo was due to be taken to Odio Okale who was the next in age to late Odio Osiobe Udezi. The method has been that as the time approaches, the unity of the street whose turn to produce the Odio will be put into play. When the people of Osa Street came forward to demand for the Evo, they met with some resistance. It was suppose to be the duty of the Edio to discuss and arrange to move the Evo to Odio Okale’s house as has been the practice. Surprisingly the Evo could not be found. Even the incumbent regent G.A. Osiobe claimed not to know the Evo’s where about. In the process, it was learnt that the people of Owhe Street wanted to claim the title of Odio-Ologbo and the custodian of Evo for keep if even there may be people in other streets who could be older than their person. The idea of keeping the Evo and the Odio-Ologbo permanently in Owhe Street was to introduce a kind of kingdom into the community. If even the idea fall in line with the present day Nigeria Government encouraging the formation of kingdom, the approach was condemned. Again among the more than one family of Owhe street people, it was only one family who championed that project. Others considered it as a seed of discord as the rotation of the stool from one family to the other amongst the Owhe Street people will in no distant feature create a serious problem. What may be recommended here is that, with modernity, a more younger, vibrant and educated man may be made to occupy that traditional leadership position for more better community representation in and outside Ovrode. Though the people of Owhe quarter supported themselves by claiming that such has been the practice in so many communities in recent times, resistance was put up by the rest of Ovrode people (street). While some said that the approach was wrong, others gave it outright condemnation, that it was a change capable of generating an intra community discord. The idea was dropped amid such protest, most especially as the idea never received the support of the entire Owhe quarter people.

The Odio-Ologbo is the head of the council of Edio. Edio meeting is held in his palace once in every eight days. He serves the Evo as its Chief priest. It should be noted that the possession of a separate Evo by Ovrode people has positively protected Ovrode people and weakened our neighbouring towns who has been arrogantly claiming the oneness of both communities. This also show clearly that Ovrode has no consanguine  relationship  with her neighbouring communities.

It is equally important to state that considering the importance of the Evo in sovereignty matters, this symbol should be held very high by all Ovrode people irrespective of individual faith or belief. Failure to do that could erode the claim to a sovereign town which could lead to her annexation, endangering the freedom of our generation yet unborn.

EGBA AND OZAGBIDI

These deities were established for the sole purpose of inter community wars. Wars were very prevalent between communities especially amongst those sharing common boundaries.

History has it that Ovrode, Ellu and Aradhe migrated from the same direction at the same time. For that reason a strong tie of relationship existed amongst them. Therefore, there has never been a war of any sort between them. Rather they were joining hands to face any outside town who attacked any of the three.

How Egba was made must and it will ever remain the sacred secret of Ovrode people. It is enough to say that the shrine that contain Egba deity has two chambers.

There is the inner chamber where the real Egba is situated and the outer chamber where the lesser one is situated; a chamber commonly called “Odimodi”.

Entering the shrine is strictly restricted to Ovrode indigenes and her brotherly neighbours of Ellu. Aradhe, Idoni and Asaba near Ashaka and Igbuku. Females are not allowed to go beyond the outer chamber.

Any man who slept with a woman the previous night is not allowed also to go beyond the outer chamber. It has therefore been accepted as a non for people to keep away from a woman few days to the service day and remain chaste all through the period of Egba festival.

The festival of Egba was celebrated annually until 1966 when spacing was introduced. Since then it has been triennial celebration. In Ovrode Egba is located at the center of the town, along the main road by the left when one comes from Ellu going to Ofagbe. Presently it is walled round. Before now the site was a forest with tall trees surrounded with thick tall grass. The keeping of such forest within and around the shrine was not only to keep the sacredness but also to prevent non indigenes from viewing the shrine from outside. As a result of development leading to opening up of the area, it became necessary to erect a wall round it. The deity is situated right inside. What is referred to as the mother Egba is never kept there, as it is jealously guarded from unforeseen stealing. It is kept in a hidden place, known only to the Chief Priest and other very few persons. The mother Egba contains the real divine power for protection, for war and for guidance.

As mentioned above, Egba festival is celebrated once in every three years, in the month of either late August or early September. The fixing of the date is a joint duty of the Chief Priest, the council of the Edio and the Iletu. As soon as the date is accepted to stakeholders, it is communicated to the whole town, the various Ovrode Union Branches within and outside the country. The date is also officially communicated to Ovrode neighbouring communities of Ellu, Aradhe, Idoni, Asaba near Ashaka and Igbuku. Apart from the close relationship between Ovrode and those other communities, they have a role to play, especially Ellu and Aradhe. They also make up the communities who should derive and enjoy all the protective benefits of Egba deity.

Seven days to the real day which must fall on a traditional holy day of “Ujeh”, the Chief Priest begin to conjure his spiritual power. Each night he goes round the town shouting as he conjures and almost always sleeping inside the shrine. All these are to prepare and to purify himself in readiness for the task ahead of him. In addition, he performs sacrifices to the gods in a way of cleansing the town against any evil or devilish invasion to enable the ceremony to go as planned and for the efficacy of the Egba deity.

Apart from the Chief Priest who officiates, and who performs almost all the important functions during the period, other officials are as follows –Emo-Oza:  these are the people who assist the Chief Priest in his duties. They are the messengers during the service. Such position or office is open to every male in the community.

The office of the Emo-oza, though not so restricted to any class of persons, certain families in the community are known to be performing this duty. The Edhereka family from Osa Quarter, the Oju family of Okpa Street, the Efedhoma family from Osa Quarter, the Afugo family from Osa Street and the Iferife family also from Osa Street are known to have performed that rite. The selection of these families or people from those families was not as a result of any special quality possessed by them, rather their involvement was purely a matter of their personal choice.

It should be noted that their personal decision to volunteer themselves for this selfless services for the community has given them some advantage over others. For example, after the death of the first Chief Priest who was a slave on whom the office was first imposed, one of the Omo-Oza, Onuwaje of Osa Quarter took it up and he was the first indigene to occupy the office of the Chief Priest. This same advantage led to others who have been the Chief Priest to occupy the position from the emo-oza; which has also in some cases handed over from father to son, or took over by a son from his father till the present day.

When Egba was created, it was made through a process that the spiritual power of the maker remained with the Egba of Ovrode. Stories have it that the man Obokpobo who made the Egba for Ovrode, also made same to so many other communities before that of Ovrode. The Obokpobo married from Ovrode. That Ovrode daughter who was the man’s wife leaked to the people of Ovrode what could be done to prevent the vanishing of the powers of the shrine with the maker as it was customary of Obokpobo to vanish with the shrine powers. With the assistance of the woman, the powers of Obokpobo and that of Egba shrine were made to remain with the Egba of Ovrode through some processes and procedures. That process made the Egba of Ovrode to be the last Egba made by Obokpobo. That also made the Egba of Ovrode to be more effective than every other Egba he earlier made.

THE CHIEF PRIEST

When Egba was made, a hot drink was needed to do the trial service and to invoke the divine spirit into it. As it were during that early period, hot drink was scarce. How to get a hot drink became a problem. During that time Chief Useh of Use Street was a prominent trader. He had slaves who were working for him. He was well known within and outside Ovrode. He was able to produce a left over half a bottle of schnapps which was used to perform the first service. That gave him the right of the first Chief Priest and till date the provision of kola-nut and the drink for the service has been the special right of the people of Use Street.

Obokpobo’s divine instruction was that the effectiveness of the medicine could be tested during the service. The method would be that the Chief Priest who would carry the mother Egba would be shot at with a gun which surely would not fire. That would demonstrate to the whole people the efficacy of the gun  prevention medicine, as the deity  was made to prevent the gun fire of the enemies during  inter community  wars or any gun fire from any source  aimed at the owners of Egba. 

With the above development, Chief Useh became afraid as he believed that the gun when aimed at him might fire which could kill him. He then detailed one of his slaves to act in his position as the Chief Priest. After the death of the slave, and when it became clear that the gun would actually  not fire, one of the Omo-Oza, Onuwaje became the Chief Priest. His son Edhereka bcame the Chief Priest after the death of Onuwaje. It is so known to the people of Ovrode that the lineage of Onuwaje is also accepted by the deity that its efficacy was so pronounced during their time.

THE GUN MAN

It has been said above that during the service, the Chief Priest on his carrying the Oni–Egba, he is made to face a gun fire. The firing of the gun on the Chief Priest is not a duty that is carried out by just any body.

Initially, it was a duty so reserved to a relation of the Chief Priest. These days so many doubting Thomas have been assuming the position of the gun man. Ironically, on the other hand too, negligence of people whose duty is suppose to be, resulting  from their modern religious belief, have not been serious in perfecting the preparation of the actual medicine for the actions. Gun man has always been produced by Ogwara/Akili family of Osa Street.

The Oghrodi man: Oghrodi is a ‘U’ shaped instrument made  of iron, flat in shape with the two pointed end. This instrument plays a very important role. Some medicine is tied on it and pinned down on the two pointed sharp edges. A man is made to sit on it and press it down. It is always used to prevent the occurrence of an event. In the case of Egba, it is performed, to add to the prevention of the gun fire. This function is reserved for the Owhe Street people which the family of Atha (Atakwoto) have been performing.

THE SERVING OF EGBA

Egba is a deity associated with war. It is believed, and it has been true that the spirit of Egba protects the citizens during war. The protective power of Egba is manifested in battle by making the community people and other neigbouring communities bullet proof and war lords.

Egba shrine emerged in the culture of Ovrode because of hostilities of the ancient people. The significance of the feast lies on the protection the spirit of Egba give to the people of Erewo-Esa, during war times, as they were jointly facing a common enemy.

The services of Egba are to appreciate its protective functions, to renew and to revive its spiritual powers and to celebrate its past protective roles over the people of the community. The Egba proper is a divine status having supernatural protective powers against any spiritual threat to life and any weapon of war.

Before the real day, the Chief Priest and the rest of the officiating ministers get the necessary requirements for the service. Things like palm wine, white cloth, native chalk, kola nuts, palm frunds, gunpowder, gun, calabash etc are got ready before the actual day.

A day preceding the actual day, the able bodied men of the town would go on hunting expedition. The bush animals so killed will be used as delicacy in    the late evening of that same day. The food is prepared and consumed in the late evening in a situation that look like a wake keeping.

            In hunting for the bush animals, like grass cutters, hedgehogs, antelopes etc, the town is divided into two parts as it was also done  during Ukwata festival time. Owhe Street, Okpa Street, Evro Street, Ogu Street and Odhegu Street belong to one side; while Osa, Egbahe, Useh and Osalubi Streets make up the second side. They would enter the surrounding bush to hunt for animals. When animals have been killed, perhaps up to three or four, the group would dance into the town as they hung the killed animals on their shoulders.

As the custom demands only the section that fails to kill bush animals would be made to produce a dog in place of the bush animals.

The killing of the bush animals is also done by the people of Ellu and Aradhe as their contribution for the services of Egba in addition to some drinks and kola nuts. That is their appreciation to the deity as they are also covered with the protective divine power of the deity. If they fail to kill animals, they also provide the dog for the purpose.

The following day is the service day proper. Service starts in the early afternoon. The Chief Priest performs the sacrifice to the deity. He is to be assisted by the Emo–Oza, starting by drawing lines of white chalk in a powdered form. Each line has its own significance as much as the Chief Priest could remember. At this time, sitting arrangement is in order. Only the Chief Priest and very few others (emo-oza) are made to be in the house of the deity.   The elders, the Iletu, the Igbu, the Izue and the people from Ellu, Aradhe, Idoni, Igbuku and Asaba are made to properly sit in lines arranged to face one another with an open space in their middle to provide for easy movement when the Chief Priest shall come out. The youths (Ovrawa and Oge) stand scattered all over the place. All of these are within the inner chamber. The women, mostly the elderly ones and the “unclean” men limit their entry to the outer or the first chamber. The first chamber contain the small deity that is served also.

Thereafter, the gun preventive medicine already prepared is used to bath the mother Egba in readiness, for the bullet proof demonstration. The Chief Priest would carry the real mother Egba and face the firing test face-to-face. The crowd  would raise a particular song of “ogbu-wan-wan-wan ogbu” with a chorus of “esakresa”. The gun would fire while that song lasts. After three gun fire, the song changes immediately to gwa-egwa, egwakeregwa repeatedly for another three round of gun shot. At this time, the gun will never fire as the Chief Priest grips the native tray to which the Oni-Egba is fastly held and the Chief Priest moves in a fast speed facing the gun man. At the end of three rounds of gun shot, there is a roar of loud ovation indicating the efficacy of the medicine and the deity’s acceptance of the services of that year.

It should be noted that, should the gun fire, in the stage of the second song, then it all means that the year’s service was not acceptable to the deity. This situation signify a bad omen which may call for the joint effort of the Edio the Iletu and the Chief Priest to divinely find out what could  be happening and what to do to appease the deity and to avert any calamity that may visit the community.

When the real service is over, which climaxed with the bullet proof demonstration, the remaining medicine with which the mother Egba was bathed, is carried to the open space for the reach of every body. The effort made by each and every body to have a taste of the mixture is always resulting to a very serious struggle to make sure that the mixture if even a piece of the calabash used as a bowl, gets to one’s hand as during the preparation, the medicine should have diffused into the calabash. This scramble does not involve the women folk. This is not to say that the women are forbidden of the medicine but because the struggle takes place in the inner chamber where women are not allowed to enter.

The regalia of the Chief Priest during the service is simple. He ties a white cloth  round his waist, paint his eyelid with white chalk, white cap with bare foot. As the mother Egba is always wrapped with red cloth, no body is allowed to enter the shrine with any red attire.

During the firing test, the Chief Priest demonstrates and come out of the shrine to the main road and dance before the orise tree directly opposite the Egba shrine. During this period all women and non Erewo-esa person are all requested to go out of sight. This part of demonstration has gone out of the show. The reason being that with free movement of people it has become less easy to keep off non indigenes completely out of site. The movement is now and probably extended to the first chamber only if the women folk are completely kept off the chamber.

            The services is ended with a greeting and a homage paid to the deity by the Chief Priest. When the Priest has finished, he would retire to his house to get himself prepared for the movement. With his regalia still on, he would move from his house. This time his movement is with a large crowd made up of members of his immediate and extended family, friends, any other member of the community and other well wishers who must be people who are related or connected to Ovrode. As is always the case of the movement, the colour that always goes with it  attract many people such that the crowd is thick. A song is raised with which the crowd dance from the compound of the Chief Priest to the Egba. “Edhe-Uriren, Edhe-Uriren, Amuredhe-Uriren” is the song. The dance is always intense  with the Chief Priest who will lead the crowd and always at the front, will hold on his right hand either a large leather fan or iron sceptre designed for that purpose. They will all dance from the compound of the Chief Priest until they all get to the front of the shrine, where the dance is more intense. Thereafter the Chief Priest will enter inside the shrine for the real greeting to the deity.  The crowd except the women will follow him into the shrine. It is always an interesting occasion. As the crowd enter, the Chief Priest will entertain the people with kola nut and drinks. That mark the end of the service. The Chief Priest will be the last to live the shrine. The entire community will then begin the social aspect of the ceremony beginning from the next day.

EGBA FESTIVAL

After the service of Egba on the day of ‘uje’, the social feast continued for another seven or nine days. These are days of merriment and dance. Each of the nine streets or quarters in the town is assigned to a day whereby they organize themselves and dance round the town. Every body will dress with their best attires as it is done during the annual feast of Christmas. The dance by quarters is done in turn according to the order of settlement. The people of Owhe Street (more appropriately Ovime Street or Ovime quarters) takes the lead thus:

Day 1   –           –           –           –           Owhe (Ovime) Quarters

Day 2   –           –           –           –           Odhegu Quarters

Day 3   –           –           –           –           Useh Quarters

Day 4   –           –           –           –           Eghahe Quarters

Day 5   –           –           –           –           Ogu Quarters

Day 6   –           –           –           –           Evro Quarters

Day 7   –           –           –           –           Okpa Quarters

Day 8   –           –           –           –           Osalubi Quarters

Day 9   –           –           –           –           Osa Quarters 

Last Day          –           –           –           The whole Town

In most cases while Odhegu and Okpa Quarters are made to dance together in one day, Egbahe and Osalubi are also made to do the same.

The last day of the ceremony is a day when all the quarters are made to dance together. The social aspect of Egba festival is so unique. The dance is always associated with all kinds of merry making. There is always food and drinks in abundance. Egba festival, because of its purpose and uniqueness has ever remained a festival that knows no religious bounds. It has been so made social that it now attracts people of all religious sets and without discrimination in terms of patronage.

During the period of Egba festival, going to the farm by Ovrode indigenes is prohibited. Few days to the commencement of the festival, people are made to provide their household with any kind of food item of any quantity that may be considered to last each household through out the period the feast shall last. As a result eating and drinking form an interesting part of the feast throughout the period.

THE BENEFITS OF EGBA DEITY

As stated above, Egba deity was established for the purpose of inter community wars. The deity, spiritually, has assisted the people of Ovrode and her allies in the fighting of wars. Egba would protect the people of Ovrode in    such a way that the gun shot of an opposite force or the opponent will not fire if it is aimed at an Ovrode man. In most cases the god would shield the Ovrode man from being seen by an enemy.  Legend had it that the Ovrode man would look like an anthill before the eyes of the enemy. If an Ovrode man happen to travel and night caught up with him, he is spiritually led through dangerous zones and routes by the deity. In most cases in such a condition, there would form what look like a white cloud at the front which one will never meet as one moves ahead and a red cloud behind one which will also never meet with you. As soon as the danger zone is passed, both cloud will never be seen.

The shrine always habour some reptiles like snakes. They are never harmful to an indigene. Snails are also found inside. According to stories, snails are used by the deity as protective devices. For that reason Ovrode son and daughter forbid the eating of any of the families of snail.

It is said also that Egba sometimes appear to people in form of bees and sometimes rain. Bees can ordinarily mount sometimes in the house roof of a person or on the tree planted in a compound. In such a situation, the owner of the house or compound would appease the bees by an incantation of praises to Egba as he throws into the hive of the bees some grains of matched yam mixed with oil (ibu). The bee could be there for few days without harming anybody before it will go off. It is said that such act is used by Egba to ward off a would be misfortune that may befall the family. The bees staying  longer than necessary is an indication of impending danger. The owner of the compound should make a fast move to prevent such impending danger.

In addition to the snail issue above, is the bush fowl. The bush fowl was playing a very important role during the war days. Some group of enemies may want to ambush the people of Ovrode as they may be going to the war front. The intervention of the bush fowl, may obliterate the foot print of Ovrode people after they have passed to the war front. The people who may ambush the Ovrode group may then be deceived by the scattered foot print of the bush fowl, which may give them the impression that the fighters are yet to pass.  For that protective techniques of the bush fowl, the people of Ovrode regard the bush fowl as a sacred bird. For that reason, bush fowl is not to be eaten by an Ovrode son and daughter.

The last case of those who tested their faith and failed was in 1964 when some group of religious sets, The Watch Tower Bible and Track society (a.k.a Jehovah’s witness) went into the eating of snail and cocoyam. They were caught up with their failed faith and when they fell sick their mouth began to drop fluid  just exactly  as the snail does. The consolation these days is that “I do not forbid any thing but certain things like the snail does not attract my eating”. “I just hate eating certain edibles, not that I forbid them for any reason”. Presently, it is most unfortunate that some important aspect of tradition are aggressively driven away by the level of acceptance now given to western religion.

OZAGBIDI

Ozagbidi is another important deity in Ovrode. Ozagbidi is a senior deity to Egba. As a result, it was served before Egba. Though the deity was made for the purpose of war, it is less popular because of the emphasis placed on the protective role of Egba.

The Chief Priest of Ozagbidi are the Egbahe people. A sheep is used for the services. A live sheep is carried across one’s two shoulders. The carrier who is from the family of Omagufi of Odhegu street, would dance through the length of Ovrode with a large crowd dancing along with him before taking it back to the shrine. It is then killed for the preparation of the service food. The testicles (as it is a male sheep) is castrated, and cut into small pieces for the people to swallow raw.  The food is then shared for the people to eat. It has the advantage of protection in war times. The swallowing of the raw testicle make one to abstain from eating of an overnight cooked yam.

OTOR

There are some other lesser deities amongst which are Otor and Okpure. Otor deity is located opposite the community town hall. The services of Otor is not randomly done. It divinely demand from any individual he want his or her services.  In such a situation, it may appear in dreams and demand for food from   any body he need food from. Such a person would then meet the chief priest who is from the family of Egbo of Uruevro to serve for him.

The affected person would prepare food which will be used to serve the Otor. Cleansing of the town, one of the duties of the women when done, the materials are taken to Otor shrine.

OKPURE

Okpure is another deity in Ovrode. It is believed that Okpure is a god that prevents infertility amongst Ovrode women. It is served by whoever chose to do so, especially women looking for the fruit of the womb. The family of Ekpesue, mother of Ajowa of Ogu Street produces the Chief Priest. When serving it, food is prepared for the purpose. This deity intoxicates the server.

In certain situations especially in a time when the community is infested with some plague, sacrifice is made to Okpure with the intention that it will assist in wading off such attack. Such sacrifice is done by the women folk, with items such as plantain and any other edibles.

EROSE – EWHO (IPO)

This is an arbitrating deity for the whole of Ovrode people. The Erose Ewho and IPO are interrelated. In an area where there is a conflict between two people, between two families or streets, one of the party involved may decide to take the matter to the town. Conflicts of this magnitude is handled by the community elders. In case of no resolution reached, the parties involved may be asked to swear to erose-ewho which may arbitrate in form of negatively affecting the person or group who may exercise a false right of claim.

The consequences of any false claim is so grave. The person may die as a result.  To identify the cause of such death is when the person got swollen in all parts of his body especially his belly. It is quickly known that he died or killed by the erose-ewho to which he swore. It then means that he was making a false claim.

To free the rest people or members of the diseased family left behind, revocation has to  be made. The priest of the deity will then mention what could be used which will be provided by survivors of the disease. That again will only take place after the person or party    in the right path has been provided and satisfied with their demand. The erose-ewho is known to be a traditional arbitration deity. One of the intricacies in this kind of death is that the remains of the dead person is taken to the evil forest for burial. If appeasement is not done, further deaths will happen in the lineage until the service is done through the priest.

It is pertinent to state here that the Chief Priest or the priest of a community deity is neither divinely selected nor has any special qualification that gave them the right of priesthood. The priest of a community deity is selected and approved by the community.

In most cases, the opportunity to attract being selected is when the person has voluntarily played the role of a messenger or assistant to  a serving priest, apart from the first priest who could have attracted selection through  his behaviour. This is to say that the selection of a priest of a community deity is done by the community. A case in point is the priest of the erose-ewho.

Some time ago, the priest of the erose-ewho was Omedo from Iye-Ogu. At a time, the right was taken from him and given to Agbavieme, an Iye-Osalubi man. At a time,

Agbavieme’s son Mr. German and two others committed what was considered to be an offence against the community. They went to lake Ebe to kill fish when the killing of fish in lake Ebe was not declared open. The people of Ushie community who purportedly claim the ownership of the lake jointly with Ovrode people were annoyed. They took Mr. German Agbavieme to court presided over by one Eke of Adiawa. Mr. German and his team won the case. Ovrode people then felt disgraced. What followed later was that the right of priest of Erose-ewho was taken from his father, Agbavieme and returned it to Omedo whose lineage the right of the priest of Erose-ewo remains. Also in 2012, Mr. Anthony Obareki Efeh who was the priest of Lake Ebe, had that powers stripped off him by the community edio and given to Madam Iduku.

There is still the individual or private erose. The function remains that of arbitration. Parties involved in dispute who detest amicable resolution may resort to the arbitration function of an erose. The effect and the consequences are the same with the those of erose-ewo. The revocation also follow the same process, except that the priest owned the erose as his own private property and a source of income. 

One thing is peculiar to all priests. That is, that they avoid living what may be considered as a rough life. They are traditionally descent members of the society, as descency and good values form the cardinal objective of deities. These days the erose and infact all deities are fast loosing their patronage as the western religion now attractively draw people away from them. The positive and the negative effect of that new development is an open exercise for individual analysis.

LAKE EBE

Ebe is a large lake discovered by Ovime, the man who founded Ovrode. Lake Ebe is located at North-East part of Ovrode. It is about two kilometres from Ovrode standing at a common boundary of Ovrode community and Ushie community. The lake and its environs form a major source of fish for the people of Ovrode.

Ebe lake is regarded as a deity because of its divine qualities.  In the days of old what could be described as a spirit in a human form popularly referred to or called “mamiwater” which sometimes appear to people was said to inhabit in the lake in addition to its occasional magical display.

Ebe lake is approximately over two kilometres in length. At a point it form a confluence at the deepest point of the lake and develop into two branches. Its width is a little less than one half of a kilometre. Ponds are dug in the banks of the lake where fish could be caught after bailing the water. Bailing is done during the dry season when the volume of water in the lake has gone down to a dept of less than ten feet in some areas. At raining season of between June and November, Ebe could be as deep as twenty feet and above. With its water goddess, Ebe lake  appear to people in their dreams any time it demand to be served.

In recent years, the divine spirit in the lake is rapidly loosing its effectiveness. This may be as a result of the defilement the lake is regularly subjected to. Things that are known not to be allowed by the lake are constantly taken into it. For example, apart from plantain, corn and coconut which the lake allows, cassava and its by-products, yam and some other forbidden food items are now taking into the lake leading to a very rapid loss of its divine status. Ebe is a lake that if developed can make for a very good holiday resort.

UKWATA FESTIVAL

Until 1966, Ukwata was one of the annual festivals that was organized and celebrated by the people of Ovrode. It was celebrated in the third month of the year. The form was a flat wooden tray with two handles protruding forward at both sides provided for a firm grip by the carrier. In it was tied either a live eagle bird or  dried  monkey spread on top . Under it was some traditional preparations.

The town was grouped into two parts with Osalubi, Egbahe, Osa and Use Street making one side while the rest part of the town belong to the other side. One dancer represented each group. Representative of each group was rotated from street to street and from family to family among streets each year. Able bodied young men of about twenty five to thirty years of age were selected as Chief Dancers.

The preparation involved the would be Chief dancer, practicing the dance for a period of time before the actual date to get himself perfected for the dance. At the beginning the Chief dancer of the previous year, dressed in the same regalia would dance first and briefly too before handing over to the new chief dancer. As the new chief dancer took the floor, the spectators and the admirers formed a longitudinal space for him while his close female relations fanned him as he danced from one end to the other. He would bend and swing round with one hand placed behind his back and the other firmly gripping what he carried on his head.

The only major road in the town was divided into three segments. After dancing in each of all the segments, he and his admirers would all dance to his family compound where he may continue to entertain his admirers.

The second chief dancer would follow and dance the same way as the first chief dancer. Apart from the masquerade on their head, their dressing included a new wrapper tied round their waist with women’s head tie longitudinally tied on top of the wrapper. They could be up to five or more depending on the number his waist could take. Also round their waist and ankle were tied some small circular bells which made them more musical as they danced. They would also tie beads round their waist loosely and round their legs below the knees.

The Ukwata festival was discontinued in 1966 when a motion was raised to the effect that the festival had Ukwani (Kwale) origin. At about the same period the people of other communities around Ovrode like, Ofagbe, Ellu and Aradhe stopped the festival for the same reason. Ukwata was a colourful ceremony during that period of the year. That was the period when young husbands would circumcise their young wives and dance to the open streets. The festival season was concluded by dancing the Oru masquerade.

THE ORU MASQUERADE

The people of Ovrode enjoyed the performance of the Oru masquerade. The Oru masquerade followed the Ukwata festival thus ended seasonal festivity.

The Oru masquerade was associated to the spiritual cleansing of the town at the end of which the Eworo was performed making the seasonal pursuit of evil spirit that may tend to hurt the town. Oru dancers were community faithful who were believed to be so perfect in any act of dancing.

The Oru masquerade used special colourful robes sown into long sleeved shirt and associated trouser with native circular bells round his ankles. His face was masked with a light and perforated cloth to enable him see clearly. On his head was a wooden carved mask in the shape of a human face with white feathers plumed round it. On his hand was a very strong stick of about two feet in length with which he would flog the native circular gongs on his ankles.

Music was provided specially by two men. Their musical instruments (ufuo) included a small wooden gong carved round of up to three feet (90cm) long with a diameter of up to one foot (40cm).

The Oru dancers numbering from seven to nine would dance to the tune of the beating. The women spectators would be clapping their hands and sometimes provided themselves with pieces of bamboo sticks with which they beat one another for an additional interesting music.

The dance was staged from about 16.00 hours in the day. The site for their readiness was the ipo, a traditional sacred shrine where women were not allowed to enter. The masquerade appeared   for seven days at the end eworo was performed.

Eworo was a string tied to a stick with a small piece of a shaped bamboo tied to the other end of the string. As it was swung, it would make a whistling noise. This performance was associated with the expulsion of the evil spirits from the town. Women were prohibited from seeing eworo. They would hide in their houses as soon as they hear the noise of eworo which was performed between 7pm and 9pm.

However, in some occasions the women folk would in addition to a lighted firewood, use some food items to drive the evil spirit to the evil forest of okpure bush between 5am and 6am. Eworo is carried out mostly by the youths. When doing it, they could catch and kill any fowl they layed their hands on with which they entertain themselves. As a result, most people keep their bird indoors while the eworo lasts.

EGBO

Egbo is a deity that is prepared and owned by individual families. Traditional unit family setting or compounds take the form of a built up units of houses with an open space at the centre. It is provided with one major entrance to the family compound. The Egbo was erected across the entrance to the compound. It was aimed at driving off evil spirit from entering the compound. Two tall sticks were erected at the two sides of the entrance.  The prepared medicine tied into a mat is tied to a pole placed on top across the entrance supported by the two erected staffs. In some cases, women under their menstrual flow do not pass under it. Egbo has gradually gone out of the custom of Ovrode people with the Christian belief that it was a god erected to be served.

Chapter Seven

TRADITIONAL COMMUNICATION SYSTEM

Introduction:

Traditional modes of communication in Ovrode like those of other areas in Isoko, were structured to meet the socio-cultural demands of the people. The modes conform to the traditional system of relationship that is the face-to-face pattern of relationship. This is with regards to the fact that everyone tends to be involved in the affairs of every other person. Any person’s business is, therefore, everybody else’s business. Even though these modes are old and somewhat obsolete in modern socio- cultural affairs, a number of reasons have combined to make them relevant to the current balance in Ovrode society.

Perhaps it is instructive to mention here that Ovrode people are largely rural, hence the traditional modes of communication have, thus been developed in response to the environmental demands which compel the sender of a message to fashion it in a way that the receiver hears, sees, smells or feels it. It is in this way the information needs of the people have been satisfied. The immediate response given to these traditional modes of communication has the advantage of saving time as people usually deliberate on issues involved and respond immediately.

The channels employed by the people’s traditional modes of communication are basically the same as those employed in other traditional areas of Isoko. The market is still a significant channel of communication. It is usually a forum for the exchange of messages. The market plays the roles of the newspaper, radio and television. The market then is the emporium of all cultural activities where the taboos, norms and other cultural values are displayed and learnt from person to person. Important announcement are also made in the market. Such announcements may range from the denunciation of a wrongful accusation against a member of the community; exhibition and shaming of social deviants such as petty thieves who are paraded and jeered at, as well as information regarding social activities in which every body is expected to participate.

Another important channel is the village square (Ala). The major activities in the village square are dances, songs and other performance of socio-cultural significance. The village square is usually utilized during occasions, which require the entire community’s presence. Today however, socio- cultural dynamics have compelled the people to improve upon the facility of the village square. This centre is now replaced by a town hall/civic centre. The modern infrastructure now performs the role of the traditional village square.

An important channel of the people’s traditional communication system is the community’s head court. It is usually at the community head court or the Odio-Ologbo’s palace that important decisions about the community are taken, and thereafter, passed on to the various quarters for necessary action. The town crier or gong man is one of the most important channels of communication in Ovrode Traditional Communication system. He is recognized by the people and his message is not open to distortion. He announces what he is asked to say to the people. Important announcement are usually made by the town crier.

THE PEOPLE’S TRADITIONAL MODE OF COMMUNICA-TION

The traditional modes of communication in Ovrode could be classified into three main groups. It was noted earlier that the way they operate is determined by environmental demands, which compel the message to be sent and received in a way that is dictated by oral tradition. These modes are, thus, classified into the verbal mode, non-verbal and the esoteric mode.

THE VERBAL MODE

This mode is common to all cultures; the use of the mouth or any sound made with the mouth.  This mode could be classified into types; spoken language; story telling, chant and incantation and special ululation.

1. Spoken language is the language for every day conversation. This is the one employed in normal daily transactions in the market as well as ordinary normal interactions.
2. Songs (Ile-Esuo) are expressed melodiously. Usually, various social organizations express their identity in songs when the occasion demands their presence. A particular occasion determines the songs; praise songs are composed for respected members of the Community. Songs are also significant in religious worships. In certain cases, they induce worshippers to get into character. Most important songs relate to occasions of traditional significance.
3. Story – telling (Esia – Zoho) is mostly used for entertainment. Within story telling is poetry which is coined in beautiful language. Male and Female adults of the Community usually while away time in the evening with children by telling stories.  Story telling is used in transmitting cultural elements from generations. Chant and incantations are mainly rendered during worship. They could also be used during occasions meant for entertainment.
4. The Ululation system is referred to as Unu-Ubo. The response is usually swift as people rush to the direction from which the sound comes. One who hears it may amplify it by ululating the same way to ensure that the message travels farther. The kind of people who respond to Unu-Ubo depends on where it comes from. For example, if the sound is from somebody’s house, or any where around the community, it could be the incident of fire, somebody crying from an ailment, a dangerous snake in the vicinity, and so on.  In this regard virtually anybody could respond to the sound. But if it  comes from the forest, it could be some real danger posed by strange men in the bush and who may be headhunters, or a dangerous  animal. In this case, only men may be required to respond to the sound.

Unu-Ubo could also be used to call attention to a particular abomination. For example, in almost all Ovrode land, death by suicide or murder is an abominable act. To behold a hanging body or a headless body is therefore, an abominable sight, at which the beholder may Ululate if he or she is unable to control his or her emotions. Unu-Ubo is such an important means of communication for the serious purpose of actually inviting attention before the sound. Anybody who makes it without any serious intention is liable to prosecution, the punishment of which might be a heavy fine.

Closely related to special ululation is whistling which could be used to communicate a message to colleagues, especially in the bush during an expedition. This becomes necessary in such cases as when one may wish that his message is not understood by strange fellows who may also be in the bush at the time. It could, thus, be in a special form understood by those concerned only.

THE NON-VERBAL MODE: Non-verbal mode of communication involves the use of any device other than the spoken word, song, chant, incantation and other related modes which make use of the mouth. The non-verbal mode therefore, could be classified into the following.

1. BODY LANGUAGE: This involves gestures and other signs made with any part of the body. They involve putting one’s fingers below the eyes or on the checks and drawing them down signifying a statement such as “Serves you right”. Different signs and gestures are used to communicate different message especially when combined with songs or dances.
2. SYMBOLOGRAPHY: This involves all the communication devices, which do not make use of any part of the human body in terms of gestures. It includes all such devices as placing objects in certain ways to convey meaning. Knots could be tied to symbolize certain things to the beholder.

Gunshots could be fired to signify the funeral of an important personality in the community. Devices such as flames, smoke and other object could be used to pass a message. A very rare significant aspect of symbolography among the people is the cutting of plantain stems and planting them upside down. This signifies the declaration of war by one community or clan on another.

However, the commonest form of symbolograhy, is the “Iyo”. This is a device used to place injunctions. It is usually a mark on any property meant to convey the message that no body should trespass or temper with the property in question unless otherwise authorized by the owner. When the mark is placed, such as a piece of cloth on a piece of land or on well-arranged pieces of fire-wood, the property must not be tempered with. A beholder might advise a layman to keep off by saying “A mu iyo fihie no” meaning “They have imposed Iyo (Injunction) on it”. The most notable object of “Iyo” is “eya boba,” that is, the young, fresh unfolding palm frond with its lemon colour. The advantage of iyo is in its ability to convey the message regardless of the presence or absence   of anyone at the scene. Symbolography, therefore, may not involve the face-to-face relationship.

The Ubuluku (skirt) is worn for different purpose. A red and white Ubuluku and a woven hat is the usual attire of the Olori-Igbe (Religious head). The other worshippers wear white apparels. No other person is expected to dress like the Olori-Igbe. The Ubuluku is also used in the battle. It is the usual battle dress. Another symbolic attire is the Uleli–Ugo (eagle’s father). Wearer of Uleli-Ugo is known as “Ogbu”, one who must have killed someone or a wild and dangerous animal   such as the Lion, Leopard and Tiger. The Ogbu (plural-Igbu) usually puts on the Ubuluku, ties a head band and thrusts the feather onto the band which  hold  it in place. The Uleli-Ugo, therefore is a sign of strength or powers, which the user has caused to display. Appearing in such dress is a demonstration of the acquision of some powers.

• DANCE (ILE-IGBE): Like the dances of other areas, those in Ovrode help to project her culture. They are usually an expression of social organizations.

These dances are usually performed at occasion of social significance. Thus, there are dances to celebrate circumcision, marriage, funeral, or any rite of passage and festivals. It is important to know that while these dances may be mere entertainment for some (especially visitors) they eventually constitute symbol of significance to those who understand their back ground. These dances, which emphasize the cultural identity of the people, are usually combined with music and some times, songs, which dedicate the place of movement in terms of body gestures.

• MUSIC (ILE-IKPORO): Music is a very important mode of communication among Ovrode people. It could be used to communicate with someone remote from the source. While the receiver must see the object in symbolography, the receiver in this case, must hear the music. Since traditional communication through music in Ovrode depends on the instruments employed, it becomes necessary to fit them into various groups: Idiophone, aerophone and membranophone.
• The Idiophone constitutes the group of instruments, which produce sound when they are struck or shaken. In this group are the different sizes and shapes of gongs, wood-block, wooden-drum, bell and other related instruments. The most used of these instrument is the Okpokoro made of bamboo stem, well carved like the wooden drum, wood-block with incision made in the hollow inside. This ensure a particular sound when struck with a stick. A handle is put in place to ensure easy handling as the user carriers it along. Okpokoro is also the instrument used by the town crier, sometimes the gong is also used side by side. The gong sound much better and last longer. This explains the preference for them in place of Okpokoro.
• Aerophone: This is the group of instruments, which produces sounds as a result of the vibration of a column of air through a kind of pipe. The mouth is used to force the air through the pipe. This group includes the entire instrument in the flute, trumpet and horn family. The aerophone instrument most commonly used in Ovrode is the Onwa. This is an instrument from the horn of buffalo. A hole is made in the horn towards the sharp- pointed end into which the user blows air with his mouth while covering the large opening at the bigger end with his palm. He releases his palm slightly as he blows into the hole to allow the passage of air so that the required sound could be made.  Onwa is mainly used to convey message of distress. The sound of an Onwa signifies a call for assistance, mostly in cases of danger such as during war or during a dangerous hunting expedition or invasion by criminals. However, during celebrations of social significance, the Onwa could be used in praise signing or to welcome an important visitor to the community or to the occasion. Another instrument used in this regard is the Urete, the local flute, which could be blown to add radiance to the entry of a particular visitor. Urete is made from the young bamboo stem.
• The membranophone produces sounds through membranes stretched over a hollow cavity. The sound result from beating or striking the membrane either with hand or with the stick. The most important one in communication term is the Odhi or Okiri, a drum used to summon people to battle or rescue mission. It is the way the drum is beaten that signifies the message. Thus when the Odhi sounds, the response, must be that of battle and the men go for their charms, weapons and other concerned paraphernalia of war.  However, the same drum could be employed for entertainment; it could be beaten differently to produce a different sound from that of the call to war. It must also be noted that one must be conversant with the codes of Ovrode music in order not to contemplate the Odhi in mere entertainment terms when it is a call to arms.

THE ESOTERIC MODE: This mode incorporates all the modes. The only difference is that the other modes do not operate in the metaphysical plane. One therefore, has to develop that extrasensory perception of extra-mundane phenomena to be able to fully decipher the meaning of the message being disseminated. One has to be initiated through the same form of education as well as rites of passage in order to understand the working of this mode. It is the initiation that enables one to develop that extrasensory perception necessary to understand messages in this mode. The essence of this mode is the ability to interpret events, which have been experienced in the metaphysical plane as relevant to our physical world. This is why the word “esoteric” has been chosen to describe this mode. This mode could be classified into the following sub-groups.

1. DREAMS: Dreams known, as “eweze” are important in the life of any traditional Ovrode person. When an elder feels his dreams are significant enough to be relayed to the people then it must be taken seriously. Such dreams could be interpreted and appropriate response taken or given.

A particular dream may demand that the Land be cleansed through appropriate means of avoiding an impending disaster, or ending a currently ravaging calamity in the land. A dream might lead to an enquiry for more fact relating to a particular phenomenon. This could then lead to consulting the oracle through divination. It must be noted, however, that the significance of dream as a mode of communication does not in any way make it an absolute necessity of communication. Ordinarily, dreams could be considered in psychological terms.

• DIVINATION: Divination is known, as “Eva”. To ‘Gba eva’ is to consult the oracle. Eva is a kind of communion with supernatural beings to know the cause or consequences of a phenomena or the future of a person(s) consulting the oracle. Eva can result from unusual happening in the community or home, dreams which may be interpreted as having some significance or appearance of certain rare animals and so on. Someone well known in the extra-mundane beings – the gods or ancestors, carries out the process of eva. The process may involve chants and incantations, songs or music. The oracle is usually consulted with materials such as cowries woven together with a string or kolanut which has four lobes. The oracles usually interpret the particular manner the lobes or cowries fall on the consulting tray when they are thrown.
• ANOTHER ESOTERIC MODE IS TELEPATHY: Ideas or information of communal significance could be passed and received through means other than the usual channel which involves the biological senses. It is, therefore, not usual for someone on a journey far away to receive a call to return for important ceremonies without being informed through any of the conventional channels known to man.  Telepathy becomes very significant when such message are of communal importance and may call for the consultation of the oracle. Other forms of the esoteric mode include attributing meaning to some natural phenomena and responding accordingly. For example, the appearance of a very rare snake is usually interpreted to mean that a strange event would take place. Again seeing a rabbit during the day time signify impending bad event.

It is significant to note here that some of these forms may not make any meaning to someone who is not initiated and is, therefore, ignorant of the codes of these modes of communication. In such a situation, there is usually the tendency to either consider them passively or regard them as mere superstition. But to the initiate who understands the codes, these modes serve to ensure the continuity of the community’s socio- cultural values.

Chapter Eight 

MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE INSTITUTIONS

The institution of marriage in Ovrode is a very remarkable one. It is a social contract between a man and a woman. In section 62 (a) of the constitution of Ovrode (1993), it is stated that marriage shall be contracted between a man and a woman  of the community who shall not be related by blood, and between Ovrode man or woman and a man or woman from other communities. Marriage as an old and important institution, is not contracted in a haste or with ease. Customarily and for the purpose of morality, investigations about both families either of the bride or the groom is made.

In the past or even in some cases up till now, it was the responsibility of parents to contract marriage for their male children. This being the case they were to have a good knowledge of the bride and her family. They sought to ascertain whether they were free from chronic diseases such as insanity, epilepsy, leprosy and even from stealing. Also the bride’s family would make their own findings about the suitor’s family, which may also include the physical fitness of the suitor.

Inquiries are also made about their characters, life history and how industrious the suitor is. When satisfactory information had been got concerning a girl to be proposed for marriage, negotiations and missions on contracting marriage would start. A delegation of two or three people from the suitor’s family would be sent to the parents of the girl to be married, with drinks and kola nut at the first instance. During that visit, the offer of drink and kola nut are taken without the disclosure of their mission as demanded by custom. On a second visit, such could be repeated which may be followed with a disclosure of their mission to the parents of the girl.

The speaker to the suitor will then disclose their mission that they have come to seek their daughter’s hand in marriage for their son. Whatever response the parent of the girl may want to give, they would tell the delegates that they would want to seek the opinion of their daughter on the issue before they would respond.

During one of the repeated visits, the family of the girl would make their decisions known. If their response is negative, two options may be left with the delegates. One may be passing through somebody who may be very close to the girl or the parents to talk them over or to withdraw and stop any further move. If the reply is positive, formal consultations with the members of the family of the girl would start. As custom demands, some close relatives of the parents would be formally informed by the girl’s parents. They will then direct the suitor’s delegate  on how they should move. It is the parent of the girl who would direct the delegates to who and who to be visited within the family of the parent of the girl. Some key people in the family of the father and the mother of the girl need to be informed. To inform them, drinks and money need to be presented to each and every one mentioned and to inform them of their desire to have their daughter’s hand in marriage.

The next stage is the formal introduction called ikuenu. It is an occasion of formal acceptance by the girl before her family. It is started by the family of the girl who would welcome the visitors with kola nuts drinks and some money to wedge the kola nut from rolling. All other members of their family will support the presentation of the items. It is their spokesman who will do the presentation. The spokesman of the groom would accept the items and they are shared accordingly. The man and his family will also present kola nut, support it with money and drinks to the family of the girl in return. The same thing will be done to the items by the family of the bride. But this time the items presented by the groom almost always double those presented by the family of the girl.

To start the matter, another round of kola nut, cash and drinks are presented by the young man through his spokesman. This time, there will be no cash support from his followers. The issue will be opened after the other spokesman had questioned their mission and why a second presentation of items. The suitor’s spokesman will greet the house and introduce the issue that they saw a beautiful girl in that house, (her name will be mentioned) who they want to marry as a wife for their son. He will then introduce the suitor.  It is a very interesting event. Remember that the issue had been opened to the girl by her parents at the initial stage of the coming of the delegates. At this point, the bride’s spokesman after consultation with the parents and the elders of the family and as a matter of formality will tell the house that there are  more than one girl in their family bearing that name and that he may want to bring the said girl for the suitor to identify. After presenting about two different girl who the suitor would reject, the real girl will be brought out. To the third girl the suitor will accept. The spokesman of the bride will then introduce the suitor and his mission to the girl formally.  A question as to whether she would accept the young man for a husband will be put to her three times. Her reply which would come at the third question which is almost always positive is followed with a loud ovation with the suitor and his followers spraying money on the girl as a sign of their happiness.

This ceremony would kick start all other processes. In actual fact it is after the ikuenu  before the suitor and or his delegates would  begin  to visit the close relatives of the parents of the girl as mentioned earlier.  Other immediate brothers and sisters of the same parents with the proposed bride will also be visited and some cash is given to them probably with some drinks if they have attained the age of an adult.

One of the significant stages is that, the mother-in-law is believed to be blocking the entrance to her house, preventing the suitor from entering to see his proposed wife. In this situation  the suitor would be required to remove the  leg of the mother of the girl from the entrance of the house. Some money is given to the mother to ward-off the first obstacle to make easy entrance for  the suitor. A subsequent occasion is the bride fee to be paid. Formerly bride price varied  from family to family. Today bride price is fixed by the community for marriages involving Ovrode man and woman though subject to review from time to time. The little  existing differences  from family  to family is in other preliminaries, as may be demanded by the family of the bride and agreed to by the suitor.

Before the bride price is paid, custom demands that the suitor provides  traditional dressing for the  father of the girl, her mother and the bride herself. For the father, a good cloth, a shirt, a hat and a walking stick are presented to him. The mother would be provided with a complete sect of woman dressing while the bride is presented with a couple  of dresses for a woman which includes blouse, wrapper, head-tie, shoe, jewelries and a handbag. Other inevitable for the bride include a towel, an umbrella and a box for her clothes.

In the past, the bridegroom would assist his  in-laws in all forms of manual labour. He would clear the farms, till the soil and even collect palm nut for the father-in-law. Also gifts of different food items were regularly made to the in-law. Today cash is made available by the bridegroom to in-law as a form of assistance in that regard.

BRIDE PRICE

The bride price ceremony is a very important occasion. It is one of the most important event in the lives of the bride and the groom. Bride price ceremony was in the past limited to few people within the community who were believed to be close to both families. Today it has become sophisticatedly socialised. It now involves the extended families, well-wishers and people from all walks of life. The preparation for the occasion is now for the groom and the family of the girl.

Marriage of today has gone beyond the original tradition of gathering few people together, paying the price with just a little ceremony. Today marriage has taken a different dimension. The influence of the western civilization and religion, and with the choice of the new couple, another dimensions have been added to the act of marriage. Ordinance and church type of marriage have been added which has tremendously increased the cost of marriage.

The payment of the bride price which is still traditionally done inside the house of the father of the girl involves the parents of the girl, their family and the groom with his family. To start it, the family of the girl would welcome the visitors with kolanut, drinks and some money to support the kolanut as it is believed that the kola nut will roll if not wedged. The family spokesman would present the items to the groom and his family. Other members of the family will support the kola-nut with money. The family of the groom would receive the presents through their spokesman.  The items would then be shared for every body. In return, the groom and his family would do the same but almost always, his gifts would be double of what he was given. When that is done, the community, of the girl, represented by the marriage committee will take over the affairs of the marriage. The presence of the community is a recent development that has cut across all communities. They would demand to know if all other preliminaries of seeing the parents of the girl and their family has been completed. If that has not been done, it will be done there and then. If that has been done before now, which in most cases will be done before now to ease the business of the day, then the price for the girl is now demanded. The price is then paid with a little amount of money paid to the community to offset the cost of the marriage certificate to be issued by the marriage committee to the bridegroom. While all these is going on in the house, the crowd outside will get ready for the social celebration.

As soon as the bride price is paid, the bride will be brought to be shown to the groom or his parents. This process is another interesting one.  The female relatives of the girl would do that and may occasionally say that they needed money to buy fuel for their transport for the girl to be brought. They could do it up to three times before the girl who is gorgeously dressed in most cases with the same attire with the groom is brought before the family of the groom. This is followed with a loud ovation where money is sprayed on the bride.

The payment of the bride price is concluded with the father of the girl taken a  lobe  of kola nut, with a little drink to pray and bless his daughter and her husband for good health and prosperity. At the end of that process, the new couple will be led out for the social reception to start which is characterized by live music or stereo type music. Money and other gift items are presented to the new couple by all invitees. Food and drinks are served to every body to their satisfaction. At the end of it, the bride’s family would present a special food prepared for the groom and his family as the ceremony ends.

With the introduction of the court registry system and the going to the church altar for wedding, they are sometimes done after the traditional bride price has been paid. This additional system resulting from western education is making the choice of a wife or a husband to deviate from the better method of allowing the choice of a partner to be made by parents to their children.  Boys and girls these days would want to chose their partner on their own while they ignorantly ignore whatever background of both parties could be.

ESCORTION CEREMONY

When all formalities of marriage are completed, the bride is escorted to the groom. That is the final stage of the marriage arrangement or the social contract. On a fixed date the bride is escorted to the husband’s house. At this time all the dowries given to the girl by her parents are taken along with her to her husband’s house. The  dowries may include all women’s properties such as box, cloths, cooking utensils etc that may make for starting a life including tools for her job if she had learnt a trade.

Among her family, some young men and women are chosen to escort her to the husband.  The time is always in the evening. If it is a marriage within the town, the husband will welcome them. As they are about to enter the husbands compound, they would demand for money to buy fuel. That will be done for about two or three times before they finally enter the house as the girl is shielded from public view.

The husband on his part will invite friends and relations who may grace the occasion, the size of which may be his choice and ability. As the escortees goes back home, a live goat is given to them which they would take home to their family with a report of their movement. The goat will then be killed, cooked and eaten by the entire membership of the bride family. If the husband is of another community, it is the duty of the husband to keep the escortees till the next day. In which case two goats are provided. While one is slaughtered to feed them that evening, the other is given to them live to take home. Uncooked hand of the slaughtered goat is also given to the team. This they don’t present to the family. They share it among themselves. They also share the money except any hot drink and kola nut presented to them that they would present in addition to the live goat.

CIRCUMCISION

A young wife undergoes circumcision most commonly when she is pregnant for about five months. A close relation of the husband (boy) will be made to sit across the chest of the young wife, facing her head and press her hands to the ground as other women would join him to hold her to prevent her from shaking and struggling. The young man is warned against looking behind. The procedure is that a tip of the clitoral lobe of the vigina is cut off with the belief that the sexual urge of the woman would be lowered with the advantage of making her sexual life be reserved for her husband only.

Male circumcision is done at infancy or at the average age of six years. In both cases, they are pampared with heavy feeding and praises.

Traditionally, the circumcision of a young wife is more involving. The practice and its follow up, now out of date, were done during the Ukwata festival period.

The young bride will be kept indoors for fattening. It was the time she was well fed and prevented from engaging herself in any physical exercise or work. The husband will be made to produce all required food items. Similarly, he was responsible to pound yam for feeding every day during the period. His male relative could sometimes do it in his absence. Some young girls between the age of ten and sixteen would be made to assist the young bride. They are mainly children from her family as her brides-maids. Local reddish body cream (owa) produced from cam wood was rubbed all over the body by the woman and her assistants. The cream may have a spill over to her mother and even to her husband in a faded form. The exercise lasted for three months.

At the end of the circumcision rites a mobile hut build of sticks and covered with fine clothes at the top and the sides with the front open was constructed to shade the bride and her maids in a procession along the major roads of the town. One of the significance of the clothes for the hut was to exhibit how much the wife had been provided for by her husband and her parents as she was escorted from her parents home. During the procession, the bride was dressed only in wrapper round her waist while her body was left open. All her maids appeared nude using local beeds called ekara round their waists.

As mentioned above, all rites and ceremonies only occurred when the young wife had been initiated into the husband’s family through the family ancestor (Evo) and were performed during her pregnancy.

The ceremony was vital in the life of the Ovrode people. Adolescent girls and those of age of marriage looked forward to when they would enjoy the privileges open to the celebrant. Most importantly, the ceremony gave credit, recognition and vitality to the marriage contracted.

The ceremony of circumcision was important not only in the life of the young wife but also in the life of the husband. It was so valued in the society that the man would stand his head high in the group of married men. He would proud himself off that he had completed one of the primary responsibilities of the transformation of a responsible young bachelor into the grade of the married men. On the part of the young bride, it is regarded as one of the most important achievement of a woman in her matrimonial new family. She is proud that she preserved her virginity for her husband as that condition was a high pride for not only the woman but also for her family, her husband and his family. This is not to say that a girl’s preservation of her virginity until she become a wife was a prerequisite for the above events.

THE BRIDE IN HER NEW HOME

The primary role of the woman in Ovrode and most cultures is that of assisting the man. She prepares his meals and naturally for procreation. As the young bride is taken to her husband, it is her duty to ensure good sanitary condition of the environment especially by sweeping the compound. She is also to take care of the young children in and around her husband’s family. To test her cooking ability, she is asked to cook any kind of food any time.

Few days after her being taken to her husband, the elders in the family of her husband would present her to the ancestors for introduction and formal  acceptance into the family fold. On this occasion she is asked to confess all her immoral behaviours before she became married to their son. She would be made to handle a kola nut while she confessed all such activities or deeds against the norms of the people. It should be noted that in the natural tradition of Ovrode, morality was highly valued and strictly adhered to. The lost of a girl’s virginity before she became a wife was regarded as a disgrace and a sign of promiscuity on the part of the girl.

Thereafter the kola nut is thrown away as a sign of sacrifice. It should be pointed out that while doing that, the kola nut is handled with the left hand by the woman. Whether she made statements concerning her involvement in casual sex or not before she was married, she would be warned of the danger inherent in such activities as she is married, and the associated penalty should such occur. After that pardonable confessional ceremony, she would be made to handle another kola nut, this time with her right hand, which she would use as an oath of allegiance as she accepts all what it takes to be moral and a good wife. This second kola nut which is always followed with a bottle of gin would be shared to all including her self. All financial involvement is strictly born by her.

In most cases, she will be made to realize that, her husband will not marry her alone but was free to exercise our custom of polygamy if he so desire.  The cardinal injunction given to the woman during this ceremony is of obedience and respect for her husband. It must be emphasized that the matrimonial respect is almost always given to the extended family of the husband on lesser degree.

THE ROLE OF THE GROOM

On the other side of the matrimonial role, the husband has this summarized thus:

1. Given protection and care for the wife.  Though strong as he may be, he is to regard his wife as a helpmate, show love and kindness to her.

            This was why the man in pre-colonial era performed the most difficult tasks in societal life. For instance, clearing the farms for planting, tilling the soil and splitting of fire wood were engaged in by men. The wife also needs full protection against external attacks of any kind. It is his duty to maintain his wife in terms of clothing and proper upkeep.

• PROVISION OF ADEQUATE FEEDING: Essentially the man ensure that enough food commodities that may be required are adequately co-provided. This may be achieved through farming, fishing and hunting. This days the man must ensure that he provide himself with gainful source of income earning to enable him carry out his matrimonial duties.
• SHELTER: It is the duty of the man to provide shelter for his immediate family. In this area, his resources dictate the type of shelter he, his wife and children has to  dwell in. No matter the kind of the shelter, it is the man who will see to its erection and completion with the wife assisting him in which ever area she may be able to.

ADULTERY: This is sexual infidelity by a man and a woman. It is considered worse when a married woman is involved. It is therefore a taboo and not acceptable that any Ovrode woman who is married should have sex with any other man who is not her husband. The law against it is very severe and known to all, that Ovrode woman do not think of it. The penalty is very grave and derogatory.

The grave consequences of the act included the inability of the woman to deliver when she is pregnant. In very server cases, it could lead to the death of the woman. It can also lead to the death of her children and in some cases to the death of her husband.

The first and second consequences may befall her if she refuse to confess her misdeeds while the last and more complex may happen only when the legitimate husband is aware of the wife’s infidelity but tolerates and keep on associating matrimonially with her. This is why tradition does not encourage the suspicion of a wife by her husband until proof of concrete evidence is available. When that is established the husband must wait until all ceremonies are performed before relating with her.

The case of adultery as it affects a woman in Ovrode is handled by the family of the husband. If the woman makes a confessional statement and mention the man involved, the family of the husband will either invite the offender or lead a delegation to him for a claim of damage. There is no fixed amount for the damage. It depends on the level and the influence of both families. Back home the woman is fined some money and a live goat which will be used to serve the husband’s ancestors.

The elders of the family through the head of the family will appease the ancestors for the forgiveness of the woman. Thereafter, the women folk in the family of the husband will compose a derogatory song with her name and sing round the streets and parts of the town to complete the cleansing and ablution ceremony.

TYPES OF MARRIAGES: In Ovrode society, there are more than one type of marriages. As pointed out above, and for good reasons, it was the responsibility of a parent to choose and organize the marriage of a wife especially the very first wife for the son. It was however discernible as it was regarded as one of the best reward a parent could bestow on a son who had contributed enormously to the well being of the family. For practical purposes, the getting of a wife for the son or seeing of a wife for the son or seeing their daughter married was crucial as the parents saw it as a matter of pride to see  and or refer to grand children early in life. It was the believe of parents that a son or a girl of marriageable age would not be careful enough to observe or know all what it takes to make a choice of wife or husband.  This privilege opened to boys and girls, was hardly abused by them. The taken of another wife or a second wife which was a choice of the man based on some reasons that may be mentioned later, was done after the man should have been experienced enough to make the choice on his own. This boils down to mean that in Ovrode, polygamy is culturally allowed as well as monogamy, while polyandry  has no  space in the culture of Ovrode people.

Monogamy

The Ovrode society in its pre-colonial setting considered monogamy, the act of marring just one wife, as a sign of impoverishment or poverty. It was also regarded as low in manliness. Marriage in most cases were contracted for procreation and for the woman to assist the man in his life endeavour. People then were predominantly farmers in which case it required plenty of hands to attract wealth to the family.  This was mostly considered important if the man was the powerful type. Those who were weak never valued wealth that could give them prestige in the society. To such people the marriage of more than one wife was absolutely irrelevant. Therefore one wife was considered enough for them.

At this present time more of Ovrode men are becoming adapted to the system of one wife. This time it is not related to laziness on the part of the men. Rather it is seriously influenced by the western civilization and religion especially Christianity.

Polygamy: This is the marrying of more than one wife at a time. The tradition of Ovrode allows the man to marry more than one wife as he may please. This does not mean that the tradition impose this type on the men.

The marriage of more than one wife in Ovrode is influenced by more than one factor. Some of the advantages are as follows. A man can take additional wife to help him in his farms and his household. Of a greater need among the Ovrode people is the place of a male heir. Much importance is attached to this, and so a man whose first wife if he had opted for a monogamous marriage, is sterile or has borne only girls has a strong incentive to turn to polygamy. This is because the Ovrode man believes that his fate after death depends on the ritual ministration of the son. Other reasons may include the traditional desire in a man to have many children if the man was the only child of his parents. A man may also be impeded to consider another wife if he has no peace of mind with the first wife. Wife inheritance is yet another factor of engaging in polygamy. A wife may be inherited from a late brother or relation.

In all, the Ovrode man before now regard a large family made up of wives and children as a symbol of wealth and such was actually regarded and honoured. This was because the larger the size of the family, the larger their occupational  involvement which  may mean a huge wealth. Naturally a large family is made up of different characters and personalities. Therefore such families were feared and respected.

These days modern life is reducing the size of families as a result of a change of orientation to the marrying of one wife with a Christian doctrine seriously behind the change.

It should be clearly stated here that the polygamous  marriage of the Ovrode people is not necessarily anti one-man- one wife doctrine, rather it was for occupational, economic and social purposes.  It is not that the Ovrode man was aware or understood the doctrine of one-man-one-wife until very recently. The monogamous marriage that existed before now in Ovrode was more or less influenced by choice while the few polygamous marriages that can be seen today is more of orthodoxy influenced by the desire to go into more than one woman. Those involved did not regard it as an act inimical to any doctrine.

Chapter Nine

 BURIAL RITES

Man’s final course on earth is accomplished by death. As a result, burial rites in Ovrode are very commemorating. Burial ceremonies last from seven to nine days. The news of a man’s death is always followed by spontaneous sorrow and distress.

Day One (1): As soon as information on the deceased is passed, the immediate family members gather to discuss how members of the extended family could be contacted. However, the immediate street/quarter residents are kept informed before the relative outside the town. When the home relatives and the street members are convened, some investigations touching on causes, when and how he/she died are asked. The deceased will be examined by some members of the family and if certified dead and unharmed, the burial arrangement would commence.

The deceased children if any are invited to confirm the type of burial to be given or to say their degree of preparedness. Their response and preparedness dictates immediate or postponed burial ceremonies.

The first thing to be done is to give the corpse a warm bath and get him or she dressed. This is done by the street messengers and some of the deceased relatives. When warm bath had been given, they report to the elders, relatives and the sympathizers who  gathered. The family members will then present some money and drink in appreciation of completing the first of the series of duties. In case of a man, the greeting would be six  bottles of gin and six Naira. On the other hand, a woman  would be four bottles of gin and four Naira.

If the deceased were of Odio status, the greeting would be twelve bottles of gin and twelve Naira. The above precedes the dressing. When it was time for dressing, the family members would arrive on invitation. They would be greeted with kola nut and some money. If the deceased is a woman (wife), the husband provides the clothes for the dressing. When these provisions have been made the street members and extended family members would select -some members for the dressing. It is always done with care and great respect. At the end of the dressing, the performers “ward robe servants” are acknowledged with four bottles of gin and four Naira.

Day two (2): On the second day, the rite of worship or sacrifice is performed. It is very significant. The dead person now in spirit form is being prepared for its journey to the great beyond. The spiritual journey cannot be completed without food. It should be noted that this rite is performed outside with the corpse in the coffin.   At this stage, the decease daughters and female relatives dance round the coffin before worship. Pounded yam, pepper soup prepared with a fish head and cowries are used for the sacrifice. A man is selected from the father’s family while a woman comes from the mother’s family.

In case of a man, his wives (widows) and their families will join the service. The wives by obligation have to provide a good cloth each. Part of the cloth is used as a sling to lay him down during interment while the rest goes with him to the grave. During the service, prayers to protect the dead among the departed ones or ancestral spirits are offered.  His spirit is equally urged to be a guide, protector and a benefactor of the living. The sacrifice is finalized by sharing some of the items used.  They are shared into two by two persons representing the families and the street. At first they back themselves and later face one another, they then take the cowries that face them directly. This done, the family will present two bottles of gin and two Naira as felicitation or greetings to the worshippers. They will then leave and share their gifts.

INTERMENT

Another call from the family members is received for the laying of the corpse to rest. The son in-laws are responsible for the digging of the grave. When a good depth of the grave has been dug (most commonly in the deceased house) he is finally laid to rest accompanied by cries of farewell. The function of laying to rest is also that of the son-in-laws or son in-law of the relations of the deceased. If the death was untimely, calls of vigilance and vengeance are made on the corpse to actualize it spiritually.

In some premature deaths the bereaved often bury their dead with a live cat, burning firewood, a touch light and sometimes a cutlass. Such weapons are believed to be tools of vengeance, which the deceased could use immediately on his adversaries that were responsible for his/her untimely death. From the time of interment to the end of ceremony the daughters of the family of the deceased would sleep in the room where the late person was buried while the children would supply them food and drinks.

Other days (3-9): Proper burial ceremonies start the next day after the interment. In the morning, a goat is slaughtered and shared among the eight family lineages of the deceased. The goat is called “Ewhe-aho”. With each passing day for the next four or six days, visitors from all walks of life will come to pay condolence visits to the bereaved. As they come, they will be entertained with kola nut, drinks and perhaps food. In those days relations or members of the extended eight family lineages would cook and take the prepared food to the ceremony. Such foods were used for the entertainment of guests and sympathizers. That custom has almost died off and replaced with the presentation of cash for that same purpose.

On the part of the visitors, they would present cash and drinks to the immediate family as their contributions to the burial ceremony. If the decease had some daughters who are married, their husbands would perform some traditional rites required by custom.  The son-in-law would go at an appointed date within the burial period or a little while after, for his own burial obligations otherwise called condolence visit. By this visit, he is meant to condole his wife and members of her family on the death of her father or mother as the case may be. The husband goes in company of his relations, friends, well wishers and sundry to the ceremony. Traditionally, all the son-in-laws and street members make up his relations. The son in-law and his entourage would dance in a group to the father in-law or mother in-law compound. Canon or gunshots are fired to signify the arrival of the in-laws.  His wife and some of her relations would dance to welcome them to the ceremony.

After the visitors have been traditionally welcomed, the son-in-law would present some drinks, kola nuts and some money to the family, the immediate brothers and sisters of his wife and much of the presents either cash or kind to the wife. All his followers would make a cash support of different amount depending on the status and wealth of the supporters or donor.  The son-in-law in most cases arranges for a live band or music to entertain the audience.

The last day of the ceremony attracts another large crowd. The day is always formally fixed and announced.  This is because final burial rites are not allowed in such days of “Ewho and Uje. They are regarded as holy days. If the final day falls on any of these holy days, the ceremony would be deferred till the next day thereby prolonging the numbers of days.

The final ceremony is very elaborate like the first day. This is sequel to the fact that all persons who were not available during the past days may endeavour to come that day to play their part in condoling the deceased family at the ceremony.

It is characterized by traditional dance, which is done in the morning hours by the members of the family of the deceased and other well-wishers or sympathizers. This gives a signal of the close of the ceremony. Canon shots are released as a mark of honour to the dead and dignify the occasion. Later in the day, there are groups and general dance in the compound of the deceased. This is followed by drinking and eating and presentations in cash and kind to the  deceased family for the support of those he/she left behind. The ceremony may last till dusk.

On the last day of the ceremony, another goat is traditionally slaughtered. This is done to fulfil the rite called “Obose-hu-wou”. This means the spirit of the dead is joined to that of the ancestor.

As long as the ceremony lasts from the first day, the entire compound is left un-swept. In the night of the last day, a palm frond is brought and to its edge tied a chicken and a piece of yam. This is used to go round the compound and taken to the evil forest before the compound is swept the next day. The spiritual cleansing exercise is done by any of the in-laws or his representatives. That marks the end of the burial ceremony.

It is pertinent to mention here that there are some differences in the burial of a dead person without offspring.  Before such corpse is put into the coffin, some cuts are made with any sharp object like the razor blade on the lower part of the deceased belly, above the reproductive organs as a sign of punishment to the organs for failing to bear a child during the decease lifetime. It is also meant to reprimand and correct the affected person in his/her next world or re-incarnation.

Also worthy of note is the exhibition of the material possessions of the decease especially clothes which are usually displayed on tall bamboo sticks lining the streets of the dead and sometimes extended to major roads in the town for the appraisal of all indicating the status and importance of the dead.

SECOND BURIAL

Ovrode custom and tradition allow for a second burial ceremony of the dead. Second burial is common when the burial ceremony of a dead person is postponed.  Postponement of a burial ceremony occurs when the children of the dead perhaps out of economic realities may not be ready to perform the ceremony. It can therefore be postponed to a later date. People who died in the bush are also not buried immediately. When it is due, the normal burial rite and ceremony is carried out.

Second burial has been more common with people who were wicked during their lifetime. It is the custom of Ovrode that wicked people when they die are to be buried in the evil forest.

There are traditional methods of identifying such people when they die. Witchcraft is the most notable wicked style of living that people regard as an aberration. If a person dies, the corpse will be put to test to prove whether he or she was a witch or wizard during his or her lifetime or not. This is mostly common with women who are believed to be more involved in the act of witchcraft.  The corpse will be wrapped with a mat and a stick tied to it with which it is carried. The pronouncement on it will be that when carried she should move to the evil forest for burial if she was practicing witchcraft during her lifetime. On the contrary, it could move those carrying her back home for burial.

This practice though crude as it may appear, the result is real as the two carriers are always directed by the spirit of the departed one. It has been proved that the carriers cannot force the corpse to any direction. If it goes to the evil forest, it is then believed that some form of wicked acts such as killing of people or destroying of valuable were carried out by the dead person during her lifetime. Thereafter, the children and relations of the affected will appease the town “Erose” and plead for forgiveness before a normal burial ceremony is performed.

Giving normal burial to those who do not deserve it (evil ones) has great consequences on the family of the deceased. It could lead to the death of the children or cause serious calamities to befall the family.

If after some time, the cause of such misfortune is traced to informal burial of a wicked person, the corpse will be exhumed by the ‘Igbu’ a group among the warlords that perform one of these specific functions and taken to the evil forest for burial. A cleansing sacrifice of the land or town is then performed and finally followed by an organized burial ceremony.

Apart from wicked acts that lead the deceased to the evil forest, ‘Erose’ the final traditional arbiter in the dispensation of justice can be another cause why people are buried in the evil forest. A good example is when two persons swear to the Erose or take an oath; after their death there is need for them to be tried. One may confess before his death of being guilty or having made a wrong claim or accusation. This group of persons is also buried in the evil forest.

It should be mentioned here that burial ceremony in Ovrode has undergone some real modification of late. The extent of the ceremony and what is involved these days has made the number of days to be so reduced. Instead of seven or nine days, burial ceremony now last for only three to four days. Most of the involvements that make for the long number of days are now considered to be irrelevant. Christianity has also influenced the leaving behind of some of the customs that were involved. What is considered to be more important these days are the pre-internment ceremony, the interment proper, the social reception of invited guests and the expected condolence presentation and gift from friends and well wishers. Also, the closing ceremony where some food is cooked and shared including gifts in cash from extended family is still in practice. All of these do not exceed more than three or four days that people now prefer the modification and it saves cost and time.

LAND DEFILEMENT

This refers to certain occurrences which tradition regard as abnormal and tends to make the land unholy. Three aspects of land defilement are prominent in Ovrode Custom. These are ‘Otozue’, ‘Igbruku’ and ‘Ogbu’.

OTOZUE

This is a miscarriage by a pregnant woman either in the farm or bush. It is regarded as an abomination in the community and nobody is allowed to go to the farm until some sacrifices have been performed.

Also closely related to this is when a person dies in the farm or bush. While such corpse cannot be brought to the town for burial but to be buried in the bush, some sacrifices must be performed before people could go to their various farms.

IGBRUKU

If a man dies by hanging or any form of suicide, the Igbruku sacrifice will be made.

OGBU

If a man kills an enemy on the grounds of self-defence, Ogbu sacrifice is performed on him.

All the above sacrifices are carried out by Igbu council.

INHERITANCE

Inheritance refers to the transfer of the deceased properties to his children and members of his family. By Ovrode custom, a man’s wife is a part of his wealth or properties.

This means that if a man dies, his properties, wife, and children belong to the entire family. His properties include movable and immovable are to be overseen by the entire family. After three months of the burial ceremony of the dead, both the paternal and maternal members of the family will gather together for the sharing of his properties in the presence of his children. His wife (wives) will be allotted to any member of the family. If both accept, the new husband will be made to pay some little amount of money and slaughter a goat for the whole family. He will then be free to be the new legal husband of the woman. However, if the man refuses, the woman could be given to whoever may want to marry her. If the woman objects to the man so allotted, she could be asked to make a choice amongst the men in the family.

The wife of the deceased could disagree to remarry in her late husband’s family if she so desire. This will be allowed on the ground that the woman refunds the bride price paid on her.

If a woman is no longer within the age of marriage, on formality a man will be allotted to her or she would say that she would want to “marry her children”. In both cases the woman can be allowed to stay in the matrimonial compound.

If the children of the late member of the family are still young, the new husband and indeed the whole family will see to their upbringing. For grown up children they are to care for themselves and also care for the younger ones.

Sharing of the rest properties is handled by both families. The children will be made to present what is considered and believed to be the deceased properties before the paternal and the maternal families gathered, including the cash the deceased left behind. First, the paternal family will take out of the properties any thing of their choice. Again the maternal family will also take any thing of their choice. They may decide to go home with whatever they picked or decide to sell it to the children or the children may decide to have the properties back through buying. In any of such cases, the children will pay some money and take the properties back. Thereafter, water is sprinkled on the rest properties as a sign of purifying them and removing them from their former owners. The remaining water will be pured on the ground signifying the touching of all other properties.

 The rest of the properties will be given to the children to share. The family will ensure that the last cloth used by the man or woman and the man’s cutlass are received by the first son.

In case of disagreement by the children the family members are invited for supervision and fair sharing. In most cases the eldest son controls the sharing and takes  a larger share more than any of he rest children. If the eldest son is under age, the family takes the responsibility of sharing the properties amongst others.

Tradition attaches much importance to the exercise as the late person’s properties can only be used after they have been formally purified and shared. The exercise demands care and uprightness. Any attempt by anyone to exhibit greed is always punished with death by the ancestors.

SACRIFICES

The offering of sacrifice in Ovrode is no less different from the offering of sacrifice in the rest parts of Isoko and beyond. Sacrifice is offered as an appeasement to God or god for a divine intervention.

The Ovrode people believed that the God they worship is the Supreme Being. Whichever way they chose to worship Him, they believed that God accept it. And like every other human or religion, it is their believe also that the devil exists and it always tends to hinder their closeness to God and prevent their prayers from reaching the Almighty God.

The Ovrode man is aware of some people’s believe that their method of worship is a worship to the idol. To the traditional man, the believe of those people they say is a misplacement of opinion and judgement. As long as they traditionally recognise the existence of the devil and his activities, what they are serving, no matter their traditional method, is the Almighty God. Therefore the sacrifice they offer which is in two fold is to the devil in a way of driving it out of their environment and their town and to the Supreme God for His divine intervention  to their  individual and collective lives.

To the witches and wizard, they made sacrifices as these elements are regarded as the agents of the devil.

Chapter Ten

MODE OF DRESSING AND SOCIAL LIFE

The mode of dressing of the people of Ovrode is no less different from the dressing of the rest of our kinsmen of Isoko nation.

In the early days, clothes were scarce and the few available clothes were got to cover the most important secret parts of the body.

With the coming of the white man, followed with the availability of clothes, it became much easier for clothes to be acquired and the whole body began to be covered with clothes.

The covering of the body with clothes has some advantages over the near to half nude that was prevalent before the introduction of clothes.

The near to half nude that was the order of the earlier period, exposed the physical build of a person to a glare view of the people.  In that case women or young girls were open to an attraction by their male folk while the men’s physical fitness for any purpose was easily viewed and noticed by girls and parents of a possible bride. Ability to do manual work in form of farming, palm collecting, fishing and even physical combat were prerequisite for accepting a suitor. This was so because, parents of young girls believed; and it was true, that such able bodied men could not only feed and take care of their daughters but also that he could be so useful in the event of a fight that may ensue.

The importance the introduction of clothes brought to the custom and the tradition of Ovrode people can not be over emphasized. The wearing of clothes to cover almost the whole body prevented the girls from easy attraction by the young men whereby eliminating the room for promiscuity. On the other hand the nearly rough skin of both girls and boys which may immediately disturb the attraction of one another were somewhat hidden. Again putting on clothes gives one a different look, make one neat, attractive and remove the feeling of shame of going or appearing nearly naked. The putting on of clothes also help in keeping and regulating the body temperature.

The dressing of the people of Ovrode as it is in other communities in Isoko nation varies in terms of age, time, sex and occasion.  The dressing of an infant is relatively different from those of children which in turn different from those of youths. Adults have their peculiar way of dressing also. In all, there has been mark difference between the dressing of the male and that of the female in any age.

THE DRESSING OF THE CHILDREN

When a child is born, he is first wrapped with the cloth of the mother.  It has a great advantage as it make the new born baby to perceive the odour of the mother, for the very first time.  The wrapping of the baby with the cloth of the mother keep the baby warm as an additional advantage. He has just come to the world, a new environment with a significant different temperature from the one he has been for the past nine months.

Wrapping him/her on clothes with only the face exposed is an attempt to gradually introducing the new temperature into him. This is considered to be very important.

Time and civilization has introduced some modification into this age long system. The baby’s clothes are already prepared long before he/she is born. Therefore as soon as he is born, he has his moisture absorbing wrapper, even his own body towel and his clothes to be put on him as soon as he received his first birth.

As much as that system is modern and more hygienic it goes with the  disadvantage of forbidden the new born the inhaling of the maternal odour that psychologically would have gone a long way in not only creating a close tie of the baby to the mother but also providing some natural immunity on the baby. Such has been so sacrificed on the altar of civilization and wealth exhibition.

The clothes of the baby therefore is a shirt of his or her own size for the first time. When the umbilical cord is off him, the decision to wear him a pant begin to be considered with a hat in most cases as a way of still   keeping him warm. The shirts are mostly in T Form.

As days and months go by, the baby infant clothes begin to give way for another form. Baby nappies comes in to hygienically keep his place of sleep from getting socked with his own urine. At an older age of about a year the sex will be determining the dress rather than the unisex he has been using. Gown and short are for girls and boys respectively. Even sex determines their kind of pant. Grown up boys may be wearing a shirt upon a short knicker or long trousers while the girls put on gown or blouse upon a skirt.

Before now, that clothes are all around, children between the age of eight and fifteen, were not having much clothes as it is now. They could take their mothers cloth which they wrap round their body and tie it on their neck. They could go to anywhere with it. They could go to the next village with it. They could even with that carry load and accompany their mother to another village on their market days. Some children from not well to do families use it to the school until such a time when clothes are made for them by their parents.

Going to farm may not require covering the whole of their body but their waist. In such cases, cloth could be tied on their waist. Some may want to look more smart in which case the cloth will be packed up to the thigh, packed together and  folded, passed backward through  in between the two thighs and knot it inside the part of it rounding their waist to form some what like a pant (Obaite.).  With that they could go to the farm and to hooking for fish.

On ceremonial periods or days, parents endeavour to make good-looking dress for their children. Some could be long top without any thing at the bottom; others could make a shirt upon a short knicker. 

These days all parents want their children to look good. In which case, and with a reasonable improvement on the economic standard of parents, they now provide their children with good clothes both for casual and domestic use and during special period like on Sundays for church services and during ceremonies like Christmas periods. Making good dresses for children has now become a symbol of economic level of families.

In as much as children looking good, or putting on good clothes made for them by their parents is good, it goes a long way to making the children to believe that always appearing good is their special right. They do not care about what it takes to make them have all the clothes they require. They do not even care the source from where the money comes. After all, they have been brought up by their parents to believe on dressing expensively well. Some of them will go to any length and do anything ranging from pilfering to fornication. All is in a bid to make money to meet up with the latest style of dressing. This happens especially when parents introduce the first, second and perhaps the third child to that culture.  At a certain age of the children and with the coming of more children to the family, resources limitation of the parents will make them not to meet the same standard for all the children. While what is required for the older ones is no longer clothes but how to build their life for their future and concentrate on making good dressing for the younger ones, the older ones who will still want to maintain their dressing standard   take to all of those negative societal behaviour to meet up with their already trained standard of life. It is now a problem. It is a problem in the sense that this category of children have yet nothing doing that can generate any little income if even to themselves with which they can use to meet up with their desire.  They are still under the care of their parents but still wanting a dress or to dress on what the financial demand can be far above what the parents could provide under such circumstances. They have less blame because it was a fault created by their parents as dictated by the society. That, as to whether anything can be done, is another topic for academic exercise.

The natural attraction that is in girls and women remain in them even with their dress on. Women’s physic with their curves, gives them a beautiful appearance at all times.

For the attainment of womanhood, the women of Ovrode maintain real traditional method of dressing. Older girls of about fifteen years of age begin to leave the wearing of gown for wrapper and blouse form of dressing.

At casual and domestic dressing, wrapper is tied round the waist with just a blouse on top. At ceremonies, women tie two wrapper, apart from the under wears, one wrapper at the bottom then another on top which make for a traditional dressing for women. In addition, she uses a head tie on her head, ear rings on her ear, hand bangles and finger rings mostly on the fingers of her left hand.

The clothes of women are of various grades for various class of women and or families according to financial power of those concerned. Shoes are worn accordingly. The dressing as described above is mostly for the married woman, though these days, the desire to appear and look responsible is all over the place which is making all to put on the complete dressing of a woman. Before now the dressing of a woman who is not married was more glamorous and less gorgeous which was making them to be easily identified as not married.

The dressing of the women these days make the average Ovrode woman to be very beautiful. Brassiere is always put on to support their breast to make the breast look still standing.  Their hair are now well kept with expensive neck chain to match.

The make-up of Ovrode woman has changed over time. Before now there were traditional make-ups of red camwood (owa), eye shadow, etajene and ubi. When slippers and shoes were less prevalent, a woman after dressing would dress her body with ubi. Ubi was a liquid substance got from the seeds of the fruits of ubi tree. It is a black liquid used to decorate and design the exposed part  of the body. There was also the eye shadow (etajene). This was a granite like substance, that when grinded into powder has shining grains that was used on the eyeleeds of women.

The beeds worn by the women has changed from the traditional ekara to fine material neck chains of gold and even coral beads.

Owa was also used to decorate the body. Its reddish colour gives the woman another attractive beauty. It was mostly used by a pregnant young woman (ova) and almost always including her mother (omote-ibobo) and her brides maids. All these long age custom and tradition has given way to westernized body cream, spray and perfumes. All of those make the Ovrode woman to compete favourably with any other woman any where in the world.

The dressing of the men folk did not bring out their physical built as much as that of the women. With less body contour of a man, they traditionally use wrapper on their waist with a shirt on top. The traditional ceremonial dressing of the Ovrode man is two different large wrappers of about three and half metres each. One is used to tie round the waist with the width deep enough to get to the ankle when used. A shirt, either long or short sleeved is worn on top. The second wrapper is used to round the body. It goes under the armpit of the right hand and on top of the left hand. The two wrappers are of different colours. He then put on his head a large hat. On his right hand is a walking stick and a wrist watch on his left wrist. He then put on a shoe and a neck chain or a bead to match. There is no body make-up for the men folk; except perhaps when they powder their face.

When clothes were less common, shirt was not considered to be very necessary.  In that period, the man would tie wrapper round his waist, open the upper part of his body, with walking stick on his hand and beads on his neck. He would also wear a hat.

The exposure of the body was a very important pride. Men then, were huge, tall and bodied. Their naked body were exposed as a show of power and body care which was their part of attraction to their women folk.

In the days of old, foot wears were not prevalent; men and women alike move on bare  foot. They go on bare foot to their farms, in a journey, meeting and for every other social movement. On the introduction of art and craft in the early nineteenth century, men especially, discovered that they need to put on something like shoe. The non availability of fund to purchase shoes made them to discover the act of making local shoes (Ekpafioko). The local ekpafioko was a carved wood in the size of the foot with a groove in it separating the heel side from the foot. Local rope got from the palm wine frond was used on it in such a way that it would look like the present day slippers. The sole was as high as two inches. Though it was not used for ceremonies, it was mostly used during raining season. It carries the advantage of preventing foot rot which would occur when bare foot is used in such seasons.

The Ekpafioko later gave way to locally made rubber slippers. This slippers was a heavy duty tyre cut into the size of a human foot and a lighter rubber from a tube was tied to it such that when used, the lighter rubber would hold the whole foot to it. It was the same thing with the modern day slippers. This later kind of slippers was more modern. It was therefore worn more openly than ekpafioko. Men and women used it.

Gradually, modern slippers and shoes came up which the people of Ovrode now use like every other person. Men and women now uses beautiful shoes of their various sexes to match with their kind of dress.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS

Communal life has traditionally been with the people of Ovrode and Isoko at large. At any stage and age of their life, association has been a custom amongst them.

Family as it is known in Ovrode goes beyond husband, wife and their children. It goes further to include; uncles, aunts, cousins of up to the eight. Therefore  relationships has been considered  to be a very important part of the life of the Ovrode person. There are traditional bonds binding such lineage of relationships. Almost always, they organize themselves together in such a way that one benefits from the other. For example, in the construction of a house, the labour as it was then more manual than now, all would be involved. They would assist one another in cutting of the wood, carrying from the far bush, erecting the wood for the house, fencing the house before the mud is applied and even in preparing the thatches for the roofing of the house.

In purchasing any important item for a good living by any one member, others could make contributions towards the buying of that item until the owner will gradually make a refund. That system make life a little easy for them, it also brought in the idea of co-operative system of living. Men and women would come together, make contributions of equal amount on monthly basis. In each of the month, one member will collect the month’s contribution and another month, it will be the turn of another member to collect. Members may be up to twelve or more. The advantage was so much that some people with lucrative means of making money belong to more than one of such co-operatives. Individually, money collected were wisely used to buy their important needs or to solve their pressing problems. Areas where such money was going included; buying of bicycle, buying of roofing sheets to roof their houses, marriage and many more. This practice still exists till today.

The advantage of that togetherness which was more organized on age grade attracted more social area like the organization of dancing groups, clubs and farming group. There were various kind of dance in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries called Ojenimah, Okpete, Udhe, Panya etc.

In the early fifties, there were Ikokoma, Opiri, Mambo. Membership were made up of young boys and girls of between fifteen and twenty years of age. They would organize themselves and practice their dance and demonstrate their prowess openly during festivals of Egba, Ukwata and Christmas. They make ceremonies colourful. They attract some cash gift during their dances.

Younger children would engage in moon light plays. Such were the interesting social engagements of children at that time. Moon light play was very common amongst children even up to the period of Nigerian Civil War of between 1967 to 1970. Before the war period, social life was very free from any threat, children were not hostile, there was love amongst them. Friendship was for the benefit of one another. They were their brother’s keepers, assisting one another to the benefit of all.

OKO AND ODU

 Young girls of primary school age would play the Oko.  This was reserved for the girls who would clap their hands, jump and throw one leg forward at a time until a winner emerges. Girls do it during break time at school, at their free time at home and during moon light plays.

Boys and girls alike play the Odu game. There was always covenant between two players who when one calls the other, to answer, he would shout ‘Odu” instead of the normal answer. Whoever first records a fault of up to seven times should have lost the game. The penalty was the looser roasting a small whole yam, put oil at the center, prepare it very well for eating and present it to the winner who will eat the whole without a grain of the yam falling, otherwise the yam will be taken from him by one who prepared it. It was colourful for children and creates the idea of consciousness among them. There was the story telling session for the children either at moon light periods, in their free time periods or at school. This created the beginning of the idea of history in school and life.

LABOUR EXCHANGE/GROUP LABOUR

The Ovrode man traditionally believed that man alone is not a very good phenomenon. Man alone can not win a war. Man alone can not leave happily. Man alone can not make a community as one tree can never make a forest. Even to eat alone can not bring out the taste of the food. He who eats alone can not tell the story of the sweetness of the food.

Equally in the area of labour, the strength and the ability of a workman can not be brought to the fore when he works all alone. One get tired more easily when he is in a farm working or in any other sphere of life all alone. When more than one person is working, in any kind of job, the agility to work will be there. One will want to show to the other that he works better. The spirit of one to try to out work the other make the work to be fast. It brings efficiency that leads to perfection.

Labour exchange (ifo)and the group labour amongst the people of Ovrode follows the above principles. Labour exchange involves more than one person. It takes two or up to three people to be involved. The more the number of persons, it becomes complex.

Two or three people who are more of friends and or cousins would assemble themselves for the purpose of doing their various works together. It was and still is in the area of clearing of farm lands. They could be A,B and C. at a particular date all of the three would go to the farm of Mr. A  to clear. When the farm of Mr. A is finished, all again would go to the farm of Mr. B and then later to the farm of Mr. C until the farms of the three are cleared.

The proven advantage is that, three of them could go to one of the farms and finished it in just a day. This means that one person would have gone to the farm and finished it in three days. Practically it has been severally proved that it could take one person going to the farm all alone to finish clearing it in more than three days consecutively.

The owner of the land could go today and in the next three days he may not go. He may go one day and before the close of the day, he may be attracted by another engagements. All of these means that the clearing of the farm by himself alone would take him more number of days and a more longer period of time to finish it. That is a problem that can easily be removed by the system of labour exchange.

The labour exchange phenomenon while the men do it in the clearing (brushing)  of farm lands, the women do it during weeding of the grasses.

When the making of palm oil was common, exchange of labour was also used. That was also because, it was more of labour oriented. The people involved were mainly two.As mashing of the palm nuts were manually done in the trough, when two people are involved, it becomes easy, more so that the kind of labour could require the involvement  of more than one or two items at a time. It will require the fetching of water while at the same time one is in the trough mixing or extracting the oil from the mixture.

There is also the group labour. This was more in the event of labour that need the engagement of many people.

Before the introduction of the present day selfishness type of life brought in by civilization, communal life was interesting.  Group labour was more in the area of building of houses, making of palm kernel, clearing of farm roads, setting up of trough or oil mills etc.

In the setting up of a house, labour required goes beyond the ability of only one person. It needed the erection of life wood that stood as the pillars, the fixing of bamboo trees that make the beam, the roofing that required the carrying of the thatches one after the other up, to be well tied and many more. This work need the involvement of many people. Though it is almost the same these days, the group labour type was purely in the area of assistance with the belief that at a no distant  time, it will be your turn to need the assistance of  people, if even not in the building of a house. Money was not involved and the people involved were doing it with all pleasure. The highest the owner of the job could do was to prepare a good food  for the participants to eat.

Group labour was also prominent by members of the extended family circle. The method was that in an extended family circle, the most eldest male of the family was regarded as the father of the family. He serves the evo of the family. Clearing  of his farm and those of his wife (wives)  was almost always the responsibility of the  able bodied men of the family. In some cases too, the weeding of farm was done by the young girls in the family. This family relationship was extended to the daughters of the family who were married out and perhaps of some age.

It is unfortunate that today, the family bond that brings about this kind of love has been eroded. In its place, selfishness, jealousy, hatred and lack of love within a family circle have been brought in.  The reason is surely another topic that may not be for this writing.

Chapter Eleven

OVRODE AND ELLU CLAN

Ovrode is one of the three towns that make Ellu Clan. Others are Aradhe and Ellu. Before 1966 when the clan was created, the three towns were in Owhe Clan. Such political and administrative grouping with Owhe was as a result of the historical relationship of the three towns with Owhe clan which was limited only to political administration. The three towns were equally represented at the clan level. In the sharing of political offices, especially before Ellu clan was created, the three towns jointly produced the spokesman (otota) for the clan.

During the early 1960s, the three towns began the agitation for a clan of their own. They contended that the distance from any of the three towns to Owhe was more than ten kilometers. They also claimed that the three towns when put together was large enough to  make a clan. They also said that there were available human and natural resource to manage the clan when created.

In 1963 a new region was politically created in Nigeria. The Mid-West Region was created from the then Western Region as the forth region of  the country. The creation of the Mid-West Region led to the alignment of administrative political blocks. The old Eastern Urhobo Division became ISOKO Division, which came as a result made the creation of some clans possible including Ellu Clan.

In 1966, Ellu Clan was created for Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode. It was a very welcome development for the three towns. The general belief was that the creation of the clan would strengthen the already existing relationship among the three towns. Unfortunately, Aradhe and Ovrode noticed a fault as soon as the clan was created. They observed that they were not consulted before the naming of their new clan. According to the two towns, they would prefer the new clan to bear EREWO ESA CLAN but not ELLU CLAN. Efforts were made by the people of Aradhe and Ovrode to convince the people of Ellu for a joint move to change the name of the clan. The people of Ellu were happy with the name and adamantly resisted such effort. The failure of the three towns to come together to suggest a name that could be acceptable to all of them mark the beginning of the falling apart of the long unity that existed among them.

At about the same period, there was an idea that the three towns should develop a neutral location at the centre of the triangle of the position or the location of the three towns into a town which may  radiate to become a big city with time. To that effect, sign posts were erected at the mid way between Ellu and Ovrode, between Ellu and Aradhe but not between Ovrode and Aradhe as the link between the two towns was just a swampy foot path. The sign post read “EREWOSA DEVELOPMENT SITE”. The idea  was, that projects either through self help or from the  government whether local, state or national, could be sited in that new site. It was a lofty idea that never saw the light of day,  because some group of people in ELLU came up with a new and impossible proposal. They said that the position of Ellu town as the “senior” and the “headquarter” of the clan could not be compromised. They said therefore, that in the event of any development, it has to start from the junction of the old road leading to Ovrode and Aradhe. As it would be expected, that bad suggestion was not acceptable to Ovrode and Aradhe. The failure of that project caused by Ellu people may be an act of God. What would have happened should that project succeed could better be imagined.

The claim of the people of Ellu which started in the early twentieth century, which also find its way into the intelligence report of J.W. Hubbard on Owhe Clan has been making Ellu to assume superior stand over Aradhe and Ovrode. Such position which was noticed to have been created by the people of Ellu, but rejected by the people of Ovrode and Aradhe, never changed the level of relationship of Ovrode with Ellu.

In 1966, the three towns were separated from the clan of Owhe. As soon as Ellu clan was created, ugly events capable of tearing the three towns apart began to unfold. Among such events were:

1.         When the clan was proposed and approved, all were happy with the belief, that it would strengthen the relationship between the three towns. Unfortunately, before the people of Ovrode and Aradhe could know it, the new clan had been named after Ellu. The ideal thing would have been a meeting of the three towns to suggest a befitting name. That was not done. Instead the new clan was named Ellu Clan through the influence of Ellu son who occupied a prominent position at the Owhe Clan level. As the spokeman for the clan of Owhe, he was surpose to represent the interest of Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode. But he never did, rather he represented only the interest of Ellu town as he was an Ellu man.

2.         There came the issue of the head of the clan. On the thought of that and with the then Government’s intention to create the institution of Ovie in some clans which included Ellu; it was immediately done on the people of Ellu that their supposedly Ovie which had been in interregnum since 1948 should be revived to be the Ovie of the Clan. Ellu’s thinking along that line was not acceptable to Ovrode and Aradhe. They contended that the said Ovie when it existed was not for the three towns. Therefore, as much as they were not against the revival of the Ovie of Ellu, they would not accept it when revived to be the Ovie of the Clan, or the head of the clan rather it will be the Ovie of Ellu Town.

3.         The issue of the clan head was considered further than what is above. After series of discussions, Ovrode and Aradhe maintained that the geroncratic nature of the towns should be used to head the clan. That would mean that the most elderly man in any of the three towns should head the clan. The arrangement was becoming clearer and acceptable to the people of Ellu when an impossible suggestion was introduced by some people of Ellu. They said that as long as the most senior elderly man should head the clan, such a father, no matter from which town he comes, either Aradhe or Ovrode, should pack to Ellu to stay to head the clan. It was a very wicked suggestion that was not acceptable to the people of Ovrode and Aradhe.

4.         When the clan was created, there was nothing to indicate as which of the three towns was the headquarter. The clan was named Ellu Clan which automatically made the people of Ellu to unilaterally pronounce Ellu to be the headquarter. That was an added issue that was already vexing Ovrode and Aradhe. The clan, without the consent of Ovrode and Aradhe was named Ellu Clan. Now again the people of Ellu began to claim Ellu to be the headquarter of the clan without the consent of the other two towns. All these, it was believed was a result of the false claim of Ellu people to the parenthood of the clan. 

What resulted from the above has been the introduction of a cold war between Ellu on one side and Aradhe and Ovrode on the other side.

The situation remained as such until when some Ellu people began to display arrogance out of the name and their position to the glaring disadvantage of the  other two towns. For sure, Ovrode and Aradhe in such circumstances and naturally began the move and the struggle to regain their original identity.  And naturally too, Ellu has to resist the temptation of reducing the proposed kingdom of their dream. The resistance by Ellu people became more disturbingg when in the mid 1970s the desire to revive their Ovieship and to create a kingdom that may be larger than only Ellu town began to agitate for the Ovie  who will be the Ovie for the clan.

In the Nigerian Observer of Saturday August, 28^th 1976, a statement was credited to the resident secretary, Isoko Division (Isoko Local Government Council) on the restoration of Ovieship in some clans in Isoko Division, of Ellu, Okpe and Emede. The word “Ovieship in some clans” brought into the mind of Ellu people that the Ovieship when revived must be for the Clan, and the seed to revive the Ovie of Ellu  a seed of discord indeed was then planted. The people of Aradhe and Ovrode reacted against that statement and jointly wrote a petition which they addressed to the secretary, Isoko Local Government Council, Oleh, dated 17^th September 1976 as reproduced below:

Dear Sir,

A PETITION FROM THE OVRODE AND ARADHE COMMUNITIES

Our attention has been drawn to the Saturday August, 28^th, 1976 issue of The Nigerian Observer and the statements credited to the Resident (Secretary) Isoko Division  (Isoko Local Government Council) on the restoration of the Ovieship in some clans in Isoko Division namely: Ellu, Okpe and Emede. It is this statement that has moved us to make herein the following observations which we hope you will give your attention.

We are aware of government’s plans to eschew oppression, rancour and graft in our society with a view to enhancing peace, economic progress and contentment in the various clans of the Division. We wish to declare our solid stand behind any government action in this direction.

We are in agreement with government’s plan to revive and restore glory and dignity to our Chieftaincy institutions in the State and the Clan as a whole. We are not, however, happy to learn that Government proposes to install an Ovie in Ellu.  Accordingly we are moved to register our protest formally, praying you to waive the plan and create for us in its stead the more satisfactory and agreeable instrument of Odio-Ologboship. The institution of Odioship has been with us from time immemorial.

Our basis for objecting to the Ovieship are as follows:-

1.         That the Ovieship is foreign to our people, that is, the Ovrode and the Aradhe Communities in Ellu Clan. We wish to inform you that, contrary to earlier representations from the people of Ellu town as distinct from Ellu clan and some self-centred and misinformed elements from Aradhe town acting without the mandate of Aradhe town people, the government of each of the three towns (Ellu, Ovrode and Aradhe) were separate and distinct. Each was a well organised institution   based on the gerontocratic system where the Odio-Ologbo was regarded, treated and accepted as the principal authority. We strongly believe  in this system   and  its acceptance arises from our conviction of this  inbuilt  insurance against the tyranny of an Ovie or an Oba of the type that prompted our founding fathers to leave Benin  to be rid of the oppressive measures of the then Oba. The establishment of the Odio-Ologboship in Owhe regarded until very recently as our homestead is further considered as a strong proof of the sagacity of our founding fathers and their determination to be rid of a cumbrous Ovieship.  Of the Oviewship in Ellu town, we have this to say: that it is an open fact that the Ovie institution in Ellu town as distinct from Ellu clan is a very recent event arising from a market transaction between a woman and a super-salesman purported to have emanated from the courts of the Obi of Aboh resulting in the exchange of cowries worth some (N140.00) (£70) then for a King’s outfit supposed to confer royalty on anyone who puts it on. We understand that the lackey who received this “magic” mantle as a present from this woman actually attracted to himself sufficient attention more out of the curiosity of his immediate neighbours and town folk than real devotion to make him think he was a king. Tradition has it that the “wonder” of the mantle was maintained  long enough for three descendants of this man to inherit and display the robes but it never won them enough or sufficient power to attract real homage from the Ellu   people  or from the people of Aradhe and Ovrode.

• That the installation of an Ovie in Ellu town by the Government will in effect be abiding the people of Ellu town in their subtle plans to impose their authority on the peoples of Aradhe and Ovrode which will be very unfortunate indeed as the Ovrode and Aradhe peoples have always been separate and independent of Ellu town as far as the government of our peoples go.
• That the tradition of common ancestry of the peoples of Ellu, Ovrode and Aradhe being paraded by the Ellu group of peoples cannot be sustained or proved by past or present events. It is neither accidental or out of fun that the peoples of Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode have kept or maintained separate EVO  (symbol  of sovereignty) since the founding of the  three towns. The maintenance of separate EVO indicates and proves conclusively that our pristine or original relationship cannot be one of father/son or senior brother  junior brother attachment. We concede, however, that today traces of consanguine relationships can be found all over the place but this we maintain resulted from intermarriages and cross migrations.
• That Ovrode and Aradhe, contrary to claims by the Ellus were never at anytime considered by our ancestors as villages, hamlets or appendages of Ellu town. If they were such at any time there would surely have been historical, religious or cultural indications to so indicate. We do not have common yearly festivals; we do not have common gods; Aradhe and Ovrode towns have never been indentified as Aradhe-Ellu and Ovrode-Ellu and above all we have never had a common OVO for the three towns of Aradhe, Ovrode and Ellu. It is undisputed fact that these three towns are called or referred to as EREWOESA meaning in Isoko language the three towns, of Ovrode, Ellu and Aradhe.
• That the Aradhe and Ovrode peoples proper are not Ellu. We know for sure that Ellu was never the name of the grand ancestor of those living in Ellu today nor was it the name of leader of the group of the founding fathers  who migrated from Akiewe Owhe or the name of a supposed common primogenitor  of the Ellus, Aradhes and Ovrodes. We know, as a matter of fact  from our tradition, that the word ELLU is rooted in a very beastly and shameful act committed by a blood  thirsty group  amongst our peaceful refuge seeking peoples from Akiewe at the  time  the place now called Ellu was a virgin forest and was first  being considered  for permanent settlement. These criminals earned from the victim of that brazen act a perpetual and lingering curse which has since come to be known by the Ovrode and the Aradhe groups as the ELLU scar from which Ellu eventually derived its name. Even the Ellu people know of this brutal and beastly act hence the victim is appeased annually by the Ellu people.
• That we challenge the facts upon which Mr. Partridge based his recommendations for the Ovieship in Ellu town. We are aware that none of the Chiefs or recognised representatives of Ovrode and  Aradhe towns was consulted by Mr. Partridge or his aids when the facts for his reports were being gathered. We are given to believe that Mr. Patridge based his report on the 1926 Intelligence  Reports. Some entries in these reports (the 1926 Intelligence Reports) are obviously misleading and contrary to tested traditional history. For example, it would appear from these reports that Ellu town was the principal town in the Clan contrary to our old  tradition and recent history indicating  that each of the three towns, Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode was used at various time for meetings,  depending on who wielded the greatest authority  in the clan and on where he hailed from.

            This was actually the practice until as recent as 1959. Again the assertion that there was no distinction between the functions of the Ovie and the Odio-Ologbo of Ellu and the impression that the Ovie used to summon the clan meetings cannot be substantiated as there was no Ellu Clan at the time of the Intelligence Report of 1926. Ellu Clan is barely 10 years old. That fact that the Senior Edios in the three villages during the Native administration era were paid equal stipends and the fact that the same number and types of Chief were recognised and approved by that administration for each of the three towns vitiates the claim for principality of position by the Ellu people. It is a fact that our peoples hailed from Akiewe and that they had no Ovieship when they were at Akiewe. It is obviously strange to think that our people will adopt a king or an Ovie with, from all indications, an Aboh stamp when there is abundant evidence that we have no ethnic linkage or connection with the Aboh peoples. Any recommendation for restoration of Ovieship in Ellu town based on this solitary fact of some assumed links between the “Ovies” of Ellu and the Obis of Aboh cannot stand. And we pray you to reconsider this.

It is in recognition  of the sublime  equality of the  peoples of Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode that our founding fathers  coined the all embracing term “EREWO ESA” which has been applied to and mean the peoples of Ovrode, Ellu and Aradhe, separately or jointly from time immemorial.  We of the Aradhe and Ovrode groups recognise the wisdom and soundness of this expression “EREWOESA” and we are proposing to adopt this for our clan name in place of Ellu which has hitherto been in use as the clan name. We wish to shed the name Ellu as our clan name because it was not chosen by popular vote, because it is a living curse and because its use tended to confer on the Ellu town peoples that air of superiority which was so hateful to our founding fathers and to us of this generation.

            In the light of the foregoing we  are praying you to use your good offices to remove from us this spectre of  Ovieship and substitute  in its stead the Odio-Ologboship to be operated  in rotation through Aradhe, Ovrode and Ellu as is the practice in a gerontocratic system   like ours and other clans in Isoko Division. And to consider and approve our humble request for the change of the clan name from Ellu to EREWOESA. We should have proceeded to change this name in the orthodox way but we are encountering great difficulties from the Ellu town people who have been threatening our peoples since we  initiated  this move.

            We want to be known and called EREWOESA CLAN: we want an Odio-Ologboship. We do not want to be called Ellu Clan anymore and we abhor and detest the Ovie-ship idea.

            Finally, we pledge our unalloyed loyalty to the military Governor of Bendel State, the Military Government of Bendel State and the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

We are, for and on behalf of the Ovrode and Aradhe Communities.

The above petition was read in English and interpreted to illiterate signatories in Isoko language by me (Signed) F.A. Aighewo and they said they fully understood the same before affixing their thumb impressions.

SIGNED: CHIEF ABANO  ONORIKPE        SIGNED: CHIEF  AGBOGU ARADE

(The Odio-Ologbo of Aradhe) R.T.I                (The Oletu-Ologbo of  Aradhe) R.T.I

SIGNED: F.E ILIARO                                     SIGNED: SAMSON ONOSE

(Chairman, Aradhe/Ovrode Communities)     (Chairman, Aradhe Youths Association)

SIGNED: 

CHIEF  EBEMOHO AKPORERO                   SIGNED: CHIEF EGBO EMIEWORE

(The Odio-Ologbo of Ovrode) R.T.I)              (The Oletu-Ologbo of Ovrode) R.T.I                              

SIGNED: (OMOSE EFEH)

(Secretary, Ovrode/Aradhe Communities)

From the above government pronouncement two different stages of struggle was set in motion. One was, which family and who within the family would be the Ovie. The other was a resistance mounted jointly by the people of Aradhe and Ovrode against the extension of the authority of the Ovie beyond Ellu community.

The brotherly love that (existed among) the three towns from the time of foundation is seriously resisting the elements of disintegration which some group especially from Ellu has been fighting to push into the clan.

With that, efforts are still on to tighten the nut of the unity of the component towns of the clan. Several times, the sons and daughters of the clan who lives in Warri, Lagos and other towns made some efforts to strengthen the unity among the three towns. In Warri moves were made to organize united meetings for the unity of the clan.

In the last half of the 1960s, it was observed that the name Erewo-Esa-Ellu as explained in chapter one was misconstrued by the later generations of Ellu to mean Ellu’s superiority position over Ovrode and Aradhe. Calls were then made for a closer look and the reappraisal of the near to permanent name of Erewo-Esa-Ellu, so that “Ellu” as an apposition to the name, be dropped. In the light of the above, some prominent and more enlightened sons of the three communities   who knows the true history of the three towns in their meeting held on the 29^th march, 1969, in the house of Mr. F.M.E. Vese (Rev. F.M.E Vese of blessed memory) an Ellu son who led and chaired the meeting resolved that “the name of this meeting shall be Erewo Esa Development Society”. This was signed by Rev. F.M.E Vese. Members of  the meeting included: Messrs F.M.E Vese, L.A. Agbanobi, Onokpise, Andrew Ugboma, S. Udezi, Greg Okoro, B.O. Olokor and others.

The above meeting or society later agreed that Erewo Esa as a more unified name should be adopted, but not Erewo Esa Ellu. The objection  by the people of Ellu at home to that noble suggestion was the sledge hammer that delt a devastating blow to our relationship.

Some group in Ellu and the whole of Ovrode are of the opinion that what may finally remove the existing cold war is for either Ovrode and Aradhe or Ovrode alone to demand for their separate clans. To this end, Ovrode has several times made some efforts to demand for a clan of her own. The blessing of the council of Isoko traditional rulers have been sought. The approval of the two Isoko Local Government Area, North and south, have been sougth. The position of Ellu town in this regard which has hitherto been supportive is now increasingly becoming hazy with the passage of time with the believe that it may temper with the continued effort of Ovrode people to actualize their demand.

The benefits that may emanate from this struggle is yet to be understood by the majority of the people, especially by those who are opposing the idea of or the demand for another clan. Apart from increasing government benefits to the area in terms of number of clans and clan representation from an area, the number of clans in an area is a factor that is highly considered for the creation of additional Local Government Area. People should reason beyond self political and leadership interest. People should reason beyond myopic idea of claims and counter claims of Kingdom enlargement and kingdom limits. The Government and the people are making efforts to see that the gains of leadership and development get to the grass root. Looking beyond the interest of individual town may mean community assisting one another for rapid development of each and every one of the three towns.

Some communities in Isoko nation have split themselves into two or more clans whereby receiving more government and/or corporate benefits according to the number of clans in their area. Ellu clan that is made up of three towns which continue to receive only one of such benefits is self cheating. Any body or group of people from the region of Erewo-Esa or Ellu clan who stands as an opposition to the creation of another clan in that area should consider himself as the one opposing a grass root development in that region and he is therefore not a good and patriotic citizen. How long shall the three towns of Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode continue to share one slot or one allocation when other towns are having three times of such slot or allocation?

This writer believe that with time, political development may make the number of clans in the area to be more than one.

But in the early years of the twenty first century, there emerged some hardened individuals who came up with a counter opinion to be injected into the existing relationship. Those people grew up  to meet the situation but they either failed or refused to understand the cause of the differences between Ellu and Ovrode  and the relationship both had kept over the years. With their level of reasoning and in an attempt to make the historical lie project embarked upon by their people a permanent story; they decided to ignore any consequences to achieve their burning desire. This group of people went into action and concluded that which ever form it would take to achieve their objective; the said kingdom of Ellu must be enlarged to cover Ovrode and her environs. This new group ignored the court action Ovrode took against the family of the Ovie to seek redress. It should be emphasized here that the court case was not between Ovrode and Ellu as the whole of Ellu was made to believe, rather the case was between Ovrode and the Ovie family of Ellu. The group decided to ignore any consequences because after all they were in deep political affinity with people in government.

In early 2013, the people of Ellu town “resolved” the differences on the issue of the Ovie amongst the contesting families. One person was selected from the families to be the Ovie of the town. Ovrode people had long declared that they have nothing against the people of Ellu if they decided to have Ovie  in their town, provided, that the Ovie must not be the Ovie of the clan and that his authority must not be extended to Ovrode. As to whether the decision of Ellu that the authority of the Ovie if extend to Ovrode and her environs could ignite a war never bothered the Ellu people. They swore to forfeit their dignity and influence, should the power, the authority and over lordship of their Ovie (if installed) fail to cover the whole of Ellu clan including Ovrode and her environs. They promised themselves such a result, if even it would mean using the blood of people to actualize their objective. That was the level of reasoning of the sponsors of the Ovie of Ellu project.

By the third quarter of 2013, it was becoming clearer to the people of Ovrode that Ellu had carried their proposal to the Delta State Government. Because the political advantage of the people of Ellu of their sons who were in government and or very close to the political ruling party, they concluded  that it was time for them, not only to install their Ovie, but to extend his authority beyond the shores of Ellu town. To them the case Ovrode people took to the law court with the aim of stopping the authority of their Ovie from extending to Ovrode was inconsequential. They concluded that with their political connection, Ellu kingdom and authority of the Ovie of Ellu town would be forced on Ovrode and Adradhe towns before the end of the year 2013. They were so be-clouded with their direction of thinking.

On the part of the people of Ovrode, they had to explain to the people of Ellu, the Government of Delta State and the general public that Ovrode town has never been and will never be a part of Ellu kingdom. The people of Ovrode wrote an open letter to the Governor and the Government of Delta State through the Vanguard Newspaper of Monday September 9^th on page 59 in which they pleaded with the State Government to check the excesses of the people of Ellu which was capable of leading to a conflict.  The Government responded very swiftly, thus; the political leaders of Isoko North Local Government Area of Delta State in Government who are hereafter refer to as Peace Committee, viz; the Secretary to the Government of the State, Hon. Ovuozorie Macauley, the Commissioner in charge of Land and Survey and Urban Development, Hon. Patrick Ferife who is an Ellu son, and the representative of Isoko North Constituency in the Delta State House of Assembly – Hon. Tim Owhofere, these personalities took it as a  challenge and called for a meeting of the two communities for a peaceful settlement. However, the people of Ellu failed to honour the effort made to resolve the issue. They probably believe that they have the support of a member or some members of the committee.

In the process, the government was misled to believe that the issue was resolved and settled.  The government on her part had fixed Monday 6th December 2013 as the date for the presentation of staff of office to the new Ovie of Ellu.  Ovrode was almost trickishly abandoned to be “annexed” by Ellu town.

As stated above and before this period, Ovrode has been in the law court to stop Ellu people from including Ovrode in their kingdom. The peace committee knowing that the court processes might hinder the installation of the Ovie, tried to convince Ovrode people that the authority of the Ovie shall not be extended to Ovrode. They pleaded with the people of Ovrode to withdraw the case from court on the condition that an agreement would be written, and signed to the effect that the authority and the powers of the Ovie of Ellu, when installed, must not be extended to cover Ovrode and her environs.

Wednesday the 13^th day of November, 2013 was fixed for the agreement to be written at Asaba under the supervision of the said committee. On that Wednesday, the people of Ovrode and their solicitor went to Asaba, but the people of Ellu did not show up for the agreement to be written. They had hoped joyfully that Ovrode people had no other option but to be a part of their Ellu kingdom when they witnessed a sudden turn of event which shortened their joy.

With a divine intervention, the people of Ovrode had to make a way when every other way seemed almost impossible. Ovrode was left with the choice of carrying her case to Almighty God who intervened and directed Ovrode on the line of action they could take. With only one day to the coronation ceremony, Ovrode people cried to the court of public opinion again. Another letter was addressed to the Governor and the Government of Delta State through the Vanguard Newspaper published on the 4^th of December 2013 on page 58. It was in that publication that the government was made to realize that they were misled to believe that the issue between Ellu and Ovrode was resolved. The Government concluded that for a way forward, the issue of Ellu and Ovrode has to be resolved first before the coronation.

Before this time, all preparations were on ground including the programme for the coronation at Ellu. On page 27 of the programme, the people of Ellu, still adamant from the false history they developed, wrote thus; “… expansion which brought into existence Aradhe and Ovrode as the most important offshoots of Ellu”.

With the second letter addressed to the Governor and the government of Delta State, the people of Ellu were gripped with fear and panic. They ran to Asaba to meet the peace committee for a way forward. They were told outrightly at Asaba that the only option was for the proposed agreement to be written and signed with the people of Ovrode as demanded.

Ovrode was called immediately to Asaba for the agreement to be written. Ovrode people got to Asaba on the 5^th day of December 2013 only to meet the people of Ellu and their solicitor who could no longer ignore the demand of Ovrode people, already there waiting with apprehension.

At Asaba, all the stake holders went into action and at the late hours of 5^th December 2013 an agreement was written and signed  by the representative of Ellu and their solicitor on one side and the representatives of Ovrode and their solicitor on the other side and supervised by the government committee to the effect that “IT  IS HEREBY AGREED BETWEEN ACCREDITED REPRESENTA-TIVES OF ELLU COMMUNITY AND OVRODE COMMUNITY THAT THE POWERS AND AUTHORITY OF THE OVIE OF ELLU KINGDOM SHALL NOT EXTEND TO OVRODE COMMUNITY IN ALL RAMIFICATIONS” In the early hours of Friday 6^th December 2013, the day of the coronation, the agreement was registered in the High court of Justice, Ozoro. Later, the case Ovrode took to the law court was withdrawn and a staff of office was eventually presented to the Ovie of Ellu.

The above agreement when interpreted means that:-

i.          Ovrode and her environs are not and shall not be part of Ellu kingdom.

ii.         The authority of the Ovie of Ellu shall not and must not be extended to Ovrode and her environs.

iii.        The Ovie is for Ellu as a community but not for Ellu as a clan.

iv.        As long as Ovrode community remains one of the three towns that make Ellu clan and until such a time when Ovrode community should have been granted a CLAN  of her own, the Ovie of Ellu kingdom shall not assume, be called, be referred to, be regarded and or be addressed by any of the three towns that make Ellu clan, or by Isoko North Local Government Area of Delta State, or by the State Government  of Nigeria, or the Federal Government of Nigeria as the head of Ellu Clan.

Chapter Twelve

RELATIONSHIP WITH OTHER NEIGHOBOURING COMMUNITIES

It is a matter of fact that one of the conditions for a better living and better life is that one should avoid living in isolation. Wherever one lives, the creating of a conducive environment has the making of friendship and good neighbour relationship as an important factor. One needs friends and neighbours during the time of needs. One may need some one to be happy with him when the need arises.  One needs someone in times of sorrow. Most especially one needs his neighbours and friends during the time of sickness, fight, hunger, labour and in any other situation that require assistance.

The African man values very highly the relationship of brothers and sisters as much as he values the possession of children. The reason remains that of a joint effort, assisting one another and living together.

Equally well, communities, regions and continents of the world have at various times come together to fashion out policies on how to derive the benefits of the existence of one another.

Ovrode as a community has neighbours. There are Ellu, Aradhe, Ozoro, Ofagbe, Ushie, Igbuku and even Emu Uno in Ndokwa West. It will be noted that the existence of the relationship between Ovrode and her neighbouring towns may be more of design than by accident.

Ovrode, Ellu and Aradhe have been neighbour communities right from the days of their foundation. The chapter one of this book has talked on how the relationship of the three communities started.  It grew stronger as they lived, relates and do things in common. The locational position of the three communities is naturally at the three apexes of a triangle; Aradhe to the north of the triangle, Ellu to the west and Ovrode to the East.

Roads network link one to the other whereby visiting one another is not difficult. One of the interesting things in the triangular location is that the distance from one another are equal of about three kilometres.

In the days of old, a lot of things were done in common. They protected one another from the attack of another community. The three communities which lived like one body are surrounded by Ozoro to the west, Ofagbe to the east and Ushie to the north. The Southern part shares a common boundary with Ofagbe and Ozoro.

Although Ovrode has that level of relationship with the other two, it must be noted that each were and still administratively independent of one another. They are different in sovereignty from one another. They have no consanguine relationship. Their similarity was that they both operated the geroncratic system of government from when they were founded. Ovrode have her separate evo from Aradhe and Ellu. The evo which is tended by the Odio-Ologbo is distinct and separate from those of Aradhe and Ellu. All separately have their Odio-Ologbo as the father and the spiritual head of their various communities. The three towns have never had one Odio-Ologbo. In fact in Ovrode, apart from some of the Edio-Ologbo mentioned in chapter one of this book, between 1953 – 1955, Efeh Ighede was the Odio-Ologbo. After Efeh Ighede there were Ezuzu Arono (1956 – 1959), Ekokobe Ughumuode (1962 – 1967), Ebemehor Akporero (1970 – 1979), Atakpo Agbarieme (1982 – 1991), Osiobe Udezi 1994 – 2000), Okale (2004 – 2009) and Umukoro Imonina (2013 to date). It should be emphatically stated that one central traditional administration headed by one Odio-Ologbo for the three towns has never existed nor ever considered right from the days of their foundation.

The close relationship they all kept is such that what affects one, affects the other. For example, when any of the communities installs their Odio-Ologbo, the other two are invited. The invitation was not for a special reason but to add colour to the ceremony. The presence of the other two towns stands as witnesses to the credibility and authenticity of the sovereign installation.

Inter community wars were fought together. The external enemy of one town was also an enemy to other two. Take the various wars the three communities fought before the coming of the British rule. The war between Ellu and Ozoro over land ownership was gallantly fought. Aradhe and Ovrode joined forces with Ellu to make a united force. 

There was the war Ellu fought with Ashaka. Though the war was caused by Ellu man, Ashaka revenged with Aradhe as Aradhe was believed to be a brother of Ellu. In that war the three towns joined forces to execute the war. There was still a war though of a lesser magnitude that was fought between Ovrode and Ofagbe and between Ovrode and Ushie. The same thing, the three communities acted like one town to fight the war.

When the British eventually arrested Iliboku of Ellu a war lord, and made a courtesy call on Chief Uwakego, an Ovrode warrant Chief, on their way to Igbuku, the fight that ensued at Uwakego’s compound made it possible for Iliboku to be forcefully released. It was a fight between the British captors on one side and the people of Ellu and Ovrode on the other side.

The making of Egba, a war deity by the people of Ovrode never left the ideas of Ellu and Aradhe people behind. In fact up till date in the celebration of Egba festival, Ellu and Aradhe are not only invited but have a part to play. Ellu and Aradhe are expected to come with killed bush animals for the services of Egba deity. The only reason of that invitation being extended is the close association such communities kept with Ovrode.

The separate living from one another was due to separate founding and separate sovereignty.

After the introduction of the British rule and having found that the three communities kept some relationship with Owhe, they were then merged with Owhe to make one clan. During this period, relative peace had returned to the area and indeed the whole of Isoko nation. Movement from place to place had been made possible. The people of the three communities were adequately represented at the Clan level and happily too.

Frankly speaking, the close neighbour relationship became stronger and made very possible when the British rule was introduced, and the three towns were forced to surrender their independence or authority to Owhe village group council.

In 1932 there was a village group court made up of Aradhe, Ellu, Ibrede, Iguku and Ovrode villages. It was sited at Ellu. As a result of Ellu’s action of claiming superiority over the others, Ibrede pulled out in 1932. Igbuku also pulled out in 1933 and in 1934, Ovrode pulled out to have a village court of her own. All taxes collected, returns and fees from Ovrode were sent directly to Ughelli District Council.

The above arrangement which was suppose to bring development into the area saw a different introduction. Jealousy and rivalry began to find their way into the area. For example, the court clerk in Ovrode in 1934 was one Jonah Ikorogume. When Mr. Ikorogume was transferred to Ellu court, he was rejected by the people of Ellu on the ground that Mr. Ikorogume’s mother was an Ovrode woman.

While the above was a painful development to the people of Ovrode and were busy on how to erase J.W. Haubbard’s erroneous report about Ovrode, some other noticeable injuries were inflicted on Ovrode by the people of Ellu.

The first was in 1937 when Chiefs Efe Ighede and Akaka Iteze both of Iye-Owhe applied  to the District Office, Sobo Division, Ughelli asking for a market to be  built at Ovrode.  As soon as Ellu people heard of it, they made a presentation to the District Officer in Ughelli stating that Ellu was the mother town and that if a market should be built at all, it must be at Ellu. The resistance put up by Chiefs Efe and Akaka earned them some terms of imprisonment.

The second in this series was in 1954. With a letter dated 3^rd of April, 1954, application was made to the District Officer, Sobo Division, Ughelli demanding for a Native Authority School for Ovrode. In the month of May 1954, Mr. J.E. Bulace of the District Office, Ughelli was sent to Ovrode to inspect the site. When the people of Ellu heard of it, they informed the District Officer, that there was a similar school at Ellu which they said was sufficient to serve the three towns. As a result of the opposition from the people of Ellu, Ovrode’s application was turned down.

The third was in 1961 when a Secondary Modern School was granted to Ovrode by the Catholic Mission as said in chapter four. The struggle and the protest put up by the people of Ellu to have the school sited at Ellu instead of Ovrode was peacefully resolved. When the school was eventually started at Ovrode, it was only the free minded individuals of Ellu who allowed their children and wards to attend the school at Ovrode. The diehards sent their children and wards to a similar school at Ozoro which was twice the distance between Ellu and Ovrode as a protest against the school being sited at Ovrode instead of Ellu.

The irony of it all was, that such behaviour from the people of Ellu did not affect Ovrode’s relationship with Ellu. Things were still and continued to be done in common. In time of inter communal wars, the three towns would form a common force against their enemy. Monies were jointly collected to prosecute court cases when the need arises. One of such was the case between Ellu and Ozoro. At the end of the case, the balance money was used to start the building of the present Ellu Town Hall. The Native Authority Primary School that was brought to the area in 1946 was unanimously agreed for by the three communities to be sited at Ellu on a compromised agreement that a project may be done to Ovrode and Aradhe at a later date. That school is the present day Ellu Primary School. Equally the Local Authority Dispensary at Aradhe was similarly sited there. Ellu people in time of war assisted Ovrode against Ofagbe. Even up till this period, Ovrode would invite the people of Ellu and Aradhe to the annual Lake Ebe fish festival of Ovrode. Also invitations are still exended to one another during inauguration of their various communities Odio-Ologbo (Community Head) and when various community festivals are celebrated.

Real relationship continued up to late 1960s when the area witnessed a negative down turn of unity. Meetings were held together, rotated from community to community. Sons of the area who were living outside the area like Lagos and Warri were organizing one development meetings until about 1969.

Outside political considerations, Ovrode share a common boundary with Ellu at Ovrode-Ellu road and at Ogini bush. The relationship between Ovrode and Ellu at Ogini bush is very strong. There is a quarter at Ovrode and at Ellu having a common name of Osa. According to the people of the two Osa streets, both emanated from an extinct community of old called Ugweyeh. The two quarters still operates as if they are one covenanted community. They both share a yet to be identified or a yet to be established boundary at Ogini bush which tends to put Osa street of Ellu on the side of a convenantee. Both share the royalties of crude oil prospecting companies’ proceeds that operates in Ogini bush/flow station if even the Osa quarter of Ovrode together with Egbahe quarter also of Ovrode have almost eighty percent of the population and the oil wells in that bush/flow station.

It however remains a thing of joy to mention that the three towns are not ready to compromise the age long traditional ties among them. Ellu and Aradhe never left Ovrode alone to suffer the pains inflicted on her by some Fulani cattle rearers in 2009.

Outside the clan, no person from any of the towns will be ready to fold his hands on the molestation of any of the towns or any member of any of the towns by an outsider.

ARADHE

All the good relationships that have been in existence among the three towns remain between Ovrode and Aradhe. It should be mentioned that the degree of the existing cold war in the clan is not severe between Ovrode and Aradhe. This is because in almost always both have been on the receiving end of Ellu intransigence. They have been sharing the same faith of a distorted history of foundation. They both are resisting the imposition of Ovie of Ellu on the clan. They jointly and individually made their position of equal community among the three towns that make Ellu Clan.

Equally too, all the benefit derivable from the togetherness of the three towns and the oneness of the clan have been contributed and shared equally with the other two towns.

Ovrode share a common boundary with Aradhe at the Idoni axis. The old swampy foots path leading from Ovrode to Aradhe through Idoni was opened up by Ovrode and now tarred. The road passed through Idoni a small hamlet founded between Ovrode and Aradhe around 1884.

Idoni is traditionally administered from Ellu. Still, Idoni remain very friendly with Ovrode socially. Idoni refuse to be involved in the cold relationship between Ellu and Ovrode. When the footpath between Ovrode and Aradhe through Idoni was being opened up in 1981, the Oletu-Ologbo of Ellu was residing at Idoni. He was Mr. Egerege Idise. The people of Ellu asked him not to allow Ovrode people to pass through Idoni during the opening up of the road. He refused on his belief that the opening up of that road may equally open up Idoni. Ellu regarded his refusal to mean a disobedience to the authority of Ellu and he was striped of that office. True to Mr. Eerege’s  belief, the opening up of the road did not only open up Idoni but also extended electricity from the national grid from Ovrode with the effort of Hon. Fredrick Ikpawona of Ovrode to Idoni. The opened road from Ovrode to Aradhe through Idoni is also now tarred through the effort of Ovrode people.

OFAGBE

Ofagbe is another neighbouring town to Ovrode. Both share a common boundary. Though they had some differences in the days of old, they have long forgotten that. It was only in some years back, around 1965, when some radicals in Ofagbe were attempting to lay claim to Ovrode’s Lake Ebe. The wisdom of some people of Ofagbe made such trouble shooting claim to be withdrawn. Since then both have been maintaining a cordial relationship. During the internal crisis in Ofagbe in 2006, the accommodation granted the Ofagbe refugees by Ovrode people testify to the good relationship of the two towns.

OZORO

Ozoro is the headquarter of Isoko North Local Government Area to which Ovrode belongs. The relationship hangs on that. Before Ozoro was made the headquarter of Isoko North Local Government Area, the relationship between Ovrode and Ozoro was primarily on a common boundary between the two towns at Ogini bush. Till date Ozoro and Ovrode still contract inter marriages. Today many Ovrode people work and do other businesses in Ozoro.

USHIE

Ushie share a common boundary with Ovrode in the Ajah bush area of Ovrode. Until 2012 there has been some relative peace between the two towns. In the area of Ajah bush,  the land of Ovrode people extends far beyond the swampy savannah area. The people of Ushie on their part have been maintaining their recognized boundary with Ovrode. Both towns have been farming on their part of the bush.

There came 2012 when some Ovrode sons thought of establishing a refinery project. They then appealed to Ovrode for land. In the process, the people of Ovrode grudgingly told them to look at the possibility of using the Ajah bush for their project. Although some Ovrode people were opposing to their use of Ajah bush claiming that Ajah bush is the only farm land for majority of the people, the refinery promoters were warned not to exceed the boundary with Ushie. Unfortunately the project was still on survey stage when Ushie people believed that to enable them benefit from the proposed refinery, they had to lay claim to Ovrode land which almost resulted to communal fight.

Ushie has been laying claim to joint ownership of Lake Ebe with Ovrode, though features in and around Lake Ebe indicates that Ovrode owns the Lake. The name “Ebe” as explained in chapter one also shows clearly that Ovrode owns the Lake.

Ironically, to introduce a stronger conflict into Ovrode and Ushie relationship, in 2013 and in 2014, claim to a total ownership of Lake Ebe by the people of Ushie began to be made by the people of Ushie. Although Ovrode has not been comfortable with the Ushie’s encroachment on Ajah bush and their wrong claim to Lake Ebe, the people of Ushie knows that they are making such false claims just to ferment trouble with the belief that it is only by so doing that the benefits of the proposed refinery can get to them.

OTHERS

It is very clear that Ovrode share a common boundary with Igbuku, a town in Ndokwa East Local Government Area. On the North Eastern part of Lake Ebe is Igbuku. Igbuku was partly founded by people from Ellu and Ovrode who still form a good percentage of the people living in the town. The town speaks Isoko as its major language. Ovrode extends invitation to Igbuku during Ovrode’s two important occasions.  One is when the festival of Egba is celebrated and secondly during Lake Ebe fish festival. The above conditions create a strong relationship between Ovrode and Igbuku.

OTHA

There is Ovrode village of Otha, founded by one Osuwe of Owhe Street of Ovrode in 1910. Otha and the villages of Ughelli all founded and occupied by the people of Ovrode are located between Ovrode and Igbuku. Those villages are anxious to see themselves administered as part of Ovime (Owhe) quarters of Ovrode. There are other villages like Ughelli, Okekero, Erili and some other villages.

It is expected that the relationship between Ellu and Ovrode has now been put on its proper perspective. The position of Ovrode has all along been misunderstood in some quarters to mean a struggle for freedom. The autonomy and political identity of Ovrode has never been in doubt. It is therefore not a struggle for freedom because Ovrode town has never been colonized or annexed by any other community since her foundation, rather it is a struggle for political identity.  This explains the reason why Ovrode people have to make it clear to some misguided people of Ellu and the general public who have been misled to believe that Ovrode is part of Ellu town. The founder of Ovrode has no blood relationship with the founders of Ellu. Therefore Ovrode can not be part of Ellu town or kingdom. Ovrode is an indomitable community that can not be subjugated by any hegemonic tendency.

Any attempt by any person or group of persons in any of the towns to suggest or to ever think or plan a physical war or cause anything that may result to a physical fight will definitely receive a strong negative reaction from within including the wrath of the fore fathers of the three towns. This is because the spirit of oneness among them and the expected political gain is stronger and much more required than the kingdom enlargement so desired by the people of Ellu.

Relationship is still being built since marriages are still contracted among them. Friendship among the people is still being made. Clubs and social organizations are still being made. Both still attend Isoko meetings (IDU) as one clan. That was why the National Body of Isoko Development Union (IDU) decided to wade into the cold war issue within the clan as it was noticed by IDU. If even the recommendations that were made by IDU in 1987 failed, as the people of Ellu refused to abide by the recommendation, the body has not relented in their effort to see that lasting peace return to the area hence Ovrode is officially accepted in IDU meetings as a sub-clan in Ellu clan.

Chapter Thirteen

OVRODE AT PRESENT

Although the major part of this book deals with the custom and the tradition of Ovrode people, the main purpose is to bring out the real history of how Ovrode was founded by a man called Ovime (Ovwime). What has been presented here so far in that regard was the real traditional life of Ovrode man before and during the period of the Nigeria Civil war of 1967 to 1970 and after the war till now. In the real sense, the traditional setting in Ovrode began to witness some rapid changes after the civil war.

Before that period of the Nigeria Civil war, the traditional life of average Ovrode man was still in place. If there was any change, it was as a result of the general dynamic nature of life. The change before that period was not as fast and it was not that revolutionary. The change was a mere improvement on the existing system. It was not a total neglect and disregard as to what was in place. The change was such that favoured both the young and old.

The period of the coming of the British and their rule only introduced the type of administrative system in their country to the people. It was not that the custom and tradition of the people should be abolished.

Ovrode in the last forty years has witnessed a rapid change, a change that is too much for the period. During the Nigeria civil war, all evils of a war were exposed to the people. There was the inordinate show of power, a kind of tradition among the uniformed fighters. There was a flagrant display of the then hard currency. There was an open display of all forms of atrocities ranging from cork fighting to murder. All the evils of war were on display throughout the three years of the war. Unfortunately, Ovrode was a terminus especially during the period of rain when the flood between Ovrode and Ofagbe would be so high that vehicles carrying ammunition had to discharge their load at Ovrode and the people were forced to carry them on their head and walk a long distance to where they could be ferried across the flood water to Ofagbe. It was a bad scenario that was so different from what they were already used to.

During that period also, they experienced the “obeying of the last order”, a commanding statement that placed the giver on a  higher platform. Also the position of Senior Officers in the military were so admired that attaining a higher position in life had to be considered. Ironically, achieving a high and commanding position were known not to be a reserve for the fighters alone. In any sphere of life, such can be attained. What matters was how to get there and what it takes to assume the position.

The situation above continued even after the civil war to 1979, resumed again in 1985 to 1999.

The long period of the military rule succeeded in introducing a military kind of life to the people including Ovrode. What was more, especially the youths quickly saw the pride in talking authoritatively.

To enjoy the pride, more than one area was opened to who ever was interested. Those who value the better road to achieve that had to strive to follow the path of education. And truly within the period, much of Ovrode children went to school. There was a large enrolment of children into the secondary school and the Universities. Another area where influence was also got was the then few natives who were leaders in the community administration. They were so admired that parents who were in the age group of those leaders vow to send their children to school to avenge their illiteracy. The second influence was mostly made possible by the little improvement in the economy of these parents.

Another area where youths choose to derive their pride of authority was bad behaviour. There was a statement made by some people then that “wealth was not necessarily acquired only when one goes to school”. To this group, truancy and negative behaviour was their choice.

Even those who went to school, some of them diverted their courses and in the process Ovrode began to notice a change of life.

Before the civil war, Christianity was not very prominent as it is seen today. There was the Catholic and the Anglican Church. The Apostolic church came into Ovrode in the close of the 1950s. The method of worship of these churches were not very charismatic. Therefore, the influence they had on the people may not be described as much then.

The Christian revolution of the 1980s and 1990s made Ovrode to witness a rapid change of faith of the new converts. Their method of worship is so Africanized with clapping and dancing taken more than 70% of their worshipping time.   Preaching against so many things which included the way of life of the Ovrode man became so intensified. Chapters and verses of the Bible were cited to support and prove their point from their various understanding. The Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society was on their own side, arguing their faith to be the only one acceptable to God. Of late Christianity has taken a different dimension in Ovrode. Even the first two sets have to change their pattern and become more charismatic.

The combination of Western education and Christian religion has now introduced a kind of orientation now referred to as western civilization. The rapid involvement of people or their acquisition of the new order was again aided with the availability of all type of media now in the household of almost every body. The effect of the media as it influenced the new kind of development of the people became worse when people especially the youths fail to identify their photo tricks and to differentiate them from the real programs.

The effect of the above is the development of a negative ideology to life by the youths. To this end, every thing tradition has been equated to an act of the devil, archaic and not civilized. The result of this has a chain of negative effect on Ovrode people.

For now it could be observed that even traditional music has gone for bad. The old melodious native air is now regarded as songs composed by the devil and therefore they should be songs for the devil. These days any ceremony where traditional musicians are on the stage hardly attract the expected audience.

There is now a near to full-scale condemnation of the tradition and the custom of Ovrode. Now, any body who accepts the administration of the traditional medicine on him is regarded as the agents of the devil. Yet laboratory prepared drugs are regarded as the only medication God allows for His civilized children.

The development and the awareness of politics has been another gain from education that has contributed to the rapid change in the life of Ovrode people.  Before the 1970s, no serious effort was made in the area of sovereign identity. Two things may have been responsible. Our neighouring towns were very much at peace with Ovrode. There was no claim as to whether one was superior to the other. But within that period, the claim of mother, offshoot and headquarter was intensified. To counter that, Ovrode had to put up a sporadic struggle to fully establish her true identity. The result of that was the cold difference and a war of words with the people of Ellu. Although that has been the case, the two towns have been wonderfully tactical. They are aware of their relationship which to them must not be compromised for any reason of foundation. They have an identical opinion that any person or group of persons who may be so radical to the extent of introducing what may lead to a physical conflict between Ellu and Ovrode shall be visited with the wrath of the departed ancestors of the three towns of Aradhe, Ellu and Ovrode. To that effect, everybody knows that nothing will ever happen that will escalate the argument higher than the level it is at present.  Rather, both are struggling for a more peaceful co-existence among them.

Within Ovrode, the political awareness has also led to a struggle for survival among the people. Community leadership which was hitherto not in any way attractive is now considered to be a source of individual identity and upliftment. The struggle to occupy leadership positions these days may not be unconnected with the flow of the benefits of crude oil prospecting companies to the town. Two streets, Osa and Egbahe have been making claims and counter claims to the area where the mineral is situated. The result of the struggle had its own negative consequences on the whole town. All the various efforts made by some individual and the rest part of the town have failed to yield any gainful result. In more than one occasions, the threat to a physical combat has been divinely avoided, yet those who are so bent on the claims to that identified source of revenue are still failing to understand that such radical claims has no long run benefit.

The awareness from education, religion and politics has immensely opened Ovrode to the extent that the economic pursuit of the growing young men has been intensified. Ovrode sons and daughters are now found in all fields of human endeavour. The human development in Ovrode eventually has led to the general development of the town.

For the purpose of the general development of the town a progressive union which later became Ovrode Progressive Union was started in the early 1950s. But not until the late 1960s and early 1970s, the union saw no remarkable light. The period after that, the union gathered more united force for the pursuit of the town’s development. In 1991, the name of the union was changed to Ovrode Development Union (ODU).

Today, through the effort of Prof. R.O. Agbanobi a pipe born water first came into Ovrode, Ellu and other neighbouring towns to replace the well system, which was the only major source of water. In 1997, electricity from the national grid was extended to the town through the effort of Hon. Fred Ikpawona and now, street light along the only major road. The major road linking Ovrode to Ellu and Ofagbe has also been tarred. At the moment some street roads have also been tarred. It should be remembered that the Ovrode Secondary Grammar School was established in 1979 through the effort of the union under the leadership of Professor R. O. Agbanobi. The maternity has long been serving the town. It is old enough to be upgraded to a cottage hospital, or a general hospital.

As much as the awareness from education, religion and politics has succeeded in opening up the town, the attendant negative effect was not left behind. The occupational pursuit and pattern of the people of Ovrode has also changed over time. The short cut to money acquisition has redirected the occupation of the people. The cultivation of yam, palm nut collection and palm oil production are now suffering a serious set back. Fishing is now left for very few people. The cultivation of cereals (eza, iyezie, eruahe, dukuduku etc) are all gone. People now concentrate on the cultivation of cassava, probably because of its quick yield for a reason that may be best known to the farmers. Young people no longer set animal and fish traps. Bush meat and fish were important sources of getting nutritious food. There is now a total neglect of the people’s traditional occupation.

For now, early entry to life predominate the minds of youths, even the minds of parents. This development which is not different from what happens outside Ovrode has grown beyond control. In Ovrode today, the speaking of the Isoko language is increasingly receiving less attention. People in the town almost preferring to speak the Queen’s English and or the pidgin English language instead of Isoko. All forms of custom and tradition are considered to be old fashioned. This has resulted in the near to complete loss of the old values of the people. Marriage and burial ceremonies have been so socialized to the extent that very few people now know the customary rites attached to them. Issues of importance are increasingly receiving less attention. People no longer know the boundaries of their ancestral properties. The evo, though still effective, it is increasingly becoming less recognised  among the youths. The erose is virtually gone. The traditional institutions meant to check fraud and to put people on the paths of truth and decency is now thrown to the dogs. Extended family relations are now less recognized.

This has led to a serious abuse of sexual immorality to the extent that it has almost become a norm these days that the relationship between a boy and a girl must involve love and sex and whoever has no friend of the opposite sex is yet to be socially civilized. This is a very bad orientation, which all communities including Ovrode have developed out of civilization and modern living especially among the youths.

The lost of old values has reached a climax that the youths no longer respect any age. Truth, uprightness, decency, morality and such norms have no space in their life. Students are even worst off. Before the period under consideration, students were known to be so upright. They were highly held and regarded because of the decency that was in their life. In the event of any fact finding argument, students were called in, as their evidence was the truth and nothing but the truth. Today most students are driven out of sight as unwanted people because of their less regard to decency and uprighness.

Today youths have not been able to understand their disregard for age. Any word of the elders to them is arrogantly resisted. To them the aged and their wealth of wisdom have no value. The writer hereby advised the youths that appreciation is an application for more. Therefore, if one appreciated the old age given to the aged by God, one is applying for his own old age. Who respects an elder wants longevity.

The minds of the young ones these days have been so pre-occupied with pride and arrogance, devoid of natural training and resisting parental training to the extent that they are left alone to grow wild. Even among themselves, they have no regard and value for the life of one another. They are always so aggressive such that in the event of any argument, they waste no time in fighting with all kinds of weapon to see that they eliminate one another.

Today, to say that Ovrode has no annual festival again is with some caution. The period before the civil war, witnessed colourful ceremonies and festivals in the town as mentioned in pervious chapters. With the present new wave of Christian revolution, apart from the annual feast of Christmas the town has no any other annual festival. Still, some sects believed that Christmas is a pagan feast that they will not take part. Ukwata has been abolished for tribal reasons. It would have still been blended with Isoko custom for it to be continued. Egba festival has been changed from annual to triennial for the purpose of adding more value. Yet, it has almost become a mere child’s play for the reason that it is a festival for the devil. The people have failed and are still failing to follow the trends of what happens in other parts of the country where festivals of all kinds have been modified into social celebrations for the purpose of maintaining their culture, but not for any reason of polytheism.

Traditional sacrifices have been abolished to be evil inspired including the rounding over one’s head with his hand as it was commonly done. But when such is done and followed with a statement of “I reject it” is believed to have Christian connotation and it should be allowed and accepted. Our traditional or native method of greeting an elder, to some Christian sets, is forbidden in the Bible. Ovrode people greet their elders by genuflecting. Today this system has been interpreted to mean a kind of revolution against the biblical tenet of not kneeling before a human. In the minds of many, a thorough understanding of the theology generally may need to be reappraised.

In Ovrode at present the loss of custom is increasingly knowing no bound. It is unfortunate that for now in Ovrode, children, youths, including some middle aged no longer know the Isoko names for herbs, sticks and trees. Isoko names for fishes, birds and animals are no longer known and no one seems to be bothered.  Even any attempt to speak Isoko, have no pride in speaking Ovrode ascent, rather the ascent of far communities is preferably spoken.

In Ovrode today, like in so many other communities, there are some classes of people who believed that they are so westernized, so sophisticated and so civilized to be a part of their culture. These category of people believed that adopting the culture and the tradition of their society is uncivilized act and so to uphold and practice them is anathema.

There are also some Christians who believed that the words of the Bible must be taken literarily without understanding the spiritual import. The understanding of the scripture by such less informed Christians is that, Christians should not involve themselves, take part or practice anything that is not recorded in the Bible. To them custom and tradition is irreligious. They failed to understand the Deposit of Faith  which included the scripture and the Sacred Tradition  which  hold that much of the things said and done by Jesus Christ are not recorded in the Bible. (cf John; 20:30 and 21:25).

Traditional or native names are no longer adopted or given to children. Children now proud off with such names as Goodness, Miracle, Testimony, Gospel etc. If Isoko names should be given at all it must be associated with money such as Etere – Igho, Ighofome, Ighemena etc, or names attached to God such as Akpoghene, Oghenefegor, Ajirioghene etc.

 Proverbial, remarkable and historical names have been abandoned.  It is regrettable that the continuation of the custom and the tradition of Ovrode even the ascent of the people is now being sacrificed in the altar of Christianity, education and civilization.

Ovrode town, presently and to a large extent has got to the level analysed above. Whether this is a development that can be described to be ideal and therefore to be sustained may be left for the minds of the readers. But with the popular opinion and in comparison with so many other communities within and outside Isoko, the loss of an identity is a complete enslavement of one self. To this end, if even a total reversal may not be called for, a more acceptable method of change should be gradually carried out. In so doing, it has to be a change that would carry along all traditional setting. That anything tradition is the making of the devil should be avoided. All what will make Ovrode to be so identified as a community that was duly and independently founded should be vigorously pursued and sustained.